Produced by Jeroen Hellingman, Tamiko I. Camacho, and the

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[Transcriber's note: The Old-Tagalog characters used in this book are

represented by capital letters.]













                        DOCTRINA CHRISTIANA



             The First Book Printed in the Philippines.

              Manila, 1593. A Facsimile of the Copy in

                the Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection.

                  Library of Congress, Washington.

                     With an Introductory Essay

                         By Edwin Wolf 2nd









ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS





I want here to express my thanks and appreciation to Mr. Lessing

J. Rosenwald, through whose kindness this unique Doctrina was

presented to the Library of Congress and with whom the idea of this

publication originated. His interest and enthusiasm made possible

my work, and his friendly advice and encouragement have been both

valuable and heart-warming.



I also wish to thank others who have given me great assistance. They

are Dr. A.S.W. Rosenbach to whom I continually turned for advice,

Dr. Lawrence C. Wroth of the John Carter Brown Library and Dr. Leslie

W. Dunlap of the Library of Congress who very kindly read over my

manuscript and gave me the benefit of their suggestions and criticisms,

Mr. David C. Mearns and Miss Elsie Rackstraw of the Library of Congress

and Mrs. Ruth Lapham Butler of the Ayer Collection of the Newberry

Library who so freely and generously made available to me the great

collections of works on the Philippines in their libraries, Dr. John

H. Powell of the Free Library of Philadelphia who helped me find

reference books of the utmost importance, and the many librarians

who courteously answered written queries about early Philippine

material.                                 EDWIN WOLF 2ND.













DOCTRINA CHRISTIANA





The first book printed in the Philippines has been the object of a hunt

which has extended from Manila to Berlin, and from Italy to Chile,

for four hundred and fifty years. The patient research of scholars,

the scraps of evidence found in books and archives, the amazingly

accurate hypotheses of bibliographers who have sifted the material

so painstakingly gathered together, combine to make its history a

bookish detective story par excellence.



It is easy when a prisoner has been arrested and brought to the dock to

give details of his complexion, height, characteristics and identifying

marks, to fingerprint him and to photograph him, but how inadequate

was the description before his capture, how frequently did false scents

draw the pursuer off the right track! It is with this in mind that we

examine the subject of this investigation, remembering that it has not

been done before in detail. And, to complete the case, the book has

been photographed in its entirety and its facsimile herewith published.



In studying the Doctrina Christiana of 1593 there are four general

problems which we shall discuss. First, we shall give a physical

description of the book. Secondly, we shall trace chronologically the

bibliographical history of the Doctrina, that is, we shall record the

available evidence which shows that it was the first book printed in

the Philippines, and weigh the testimonies which state or imply to

the contrary. Thirdly, we shall try to establish the authorship of

the text, and lastly, we shall discuss the actual printing.



It hardly needs be told why so few of the incunabula of the Philippines

have survived. The paper on which they were printed was one of the most

destructible papers ever used in book production. The native worms and

insects thrived on it, and the heat and dampness took their slower but

equally certain toll. Add to these enemies the acts of providence of

which the Philippines have received more than their share--earthquake,

fire and flood--and the man-made devastations of war, combined with the

fact that there was no systematic attempt made in the Philippines to

preserve in archives and libraries the records of the past, and it

can well be understood why a scant handful of cradle-books have been

preserved. The two fires of 1603 alone, which burned the Dominican

convent in Manila to the ground and consumed the whole of Binondo just

outside the walls, must have played untold havoc upon the records of

the early missionaries. Perhaps the only copies of early Philippine

books which exist today, unchronided and forgotten, are those which

were sent to Europe in the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, and may

now be lying uncatalogued in some library there.



One copy of this Doctrina was sent to Philip II by the Governor of

the Philippines in 1593; and in 1785 a Jesuit philologist, Hervas y

Panduro, printed Tagalog texts from a then extant copy. Yet, since

that time no example is recorded as having been seen by bibliographer

or historian. The provenance of the present one is but imperfectly

known. In the spring of 1946 William H. Schab, a New York dealer,

was in Paris, and heard through a friend of the existence of a 1593

Manila book. He expressed such incredulity at this information that his

friend, feeling his integrity impugned, telephoned the owner then and

there, and confirmed the unbelievable "1593." Delighted and enthused,

Schab arranged to meet him, found that he was a Paris bookseller and

collector who specialized in Pacific imprints and was fully aware of

the importance of the volume, and induced him to sell the precious

Doctrina. He brought it back with him to the United States and offered

it to Lessing J. Rosenwald, who promptly purchased it and presented it

to the Library of Congress. Where the book had been before it reached

Paris we do not know. Perhaps it is the very copy sent to Philip II,

perhaps the copy from which Hervas got his text. Indeed, it may

have been churned to the surface by the late Civil War in Spain,

and sent from there to France. In the course of years from similar

sources may come other books to throw more light upon the only too

poorly documented history of the establishment of printing in the

Philippine Islands.







THE PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION





Let us first examine the book as it appears before us. The title-page

reads:





            Doctrina Christiana, en

            lengua espanola ytagala, cor

            regida por los Religiosos de las

            ordenes Impressa con licencia, en

            S. gabriel. de la orden de. S. Domigo

            En Manila. 1593





The book, printed in Gothic letters and Tagalog [1] characters on

paper made from the paper mulberry, now browned and brittle with age,

consists of thirty-eight leaves, comprising a title-page as above,

under a woodcut [2] of St. Dominic, with the verso originally blank,

but in this copy bearing the contemporary manuscript inscription,

_Tassada en dos rreales_, signed _Juan de Cuellar_; and seventy-four

pages of text in Spanish, Tagalog transliterated into roman letters,

and Tagalog in Tagalog characters. The size of the volume, which

is unbound, is 9 1/8 by 7 inches, although individual leaves vary

somewhat due to chipping. Some of the leaves have become separated

from their complements, but enough remain in the original stitching

to indicate that the book was originally made up in four gatherings,

the first of twelve leaves, the second of ten, the third of ten, and

the fourth of six. Although the book is of the size called quarto,

the method of printing must have been page by page, so it is doubtful

that each sheet was folded twice in the usual quarto manner, but

more probable that it was printed four pages to a sheet of paper

approximately 9 1/8 by 14 inches, which was folded once.



The volume is printed throughout by the xylographic method, that is to

say, each page of text is printed from one wood-block which was carved

by hand. Along the inner margins of some pages are vertical lines which

were made by the inked edge of the block, and the grain of the wood has

caused striations to appear in the printed portions throughout. The

unevenness of the impression indicates that the pages were printed

in some primitive manner without the help of a conventional press.



The paper, which is one of the distinctive features of most old

Oriental books, has been discussed at length by Pardo de Tavera in

his study of early Philippine printing, and we can do no better than

translate the relevant passage in full:





    "I have said before that the material composition of our

    books is inferior. The imprints before 1830 were made on a

    paper called by some rice paper, by others silk paper, and

    by still others China paper, according to their taste. It

    is detestable, brittle, without consistency or resistance,

    and was called rice paper because it was supposed to be

    made from that grain. It was the only kind then used in the

    Philippines, not only for printing, but for all manner of

    writing, letters, etc., and it is even recorded that in 1874

    when tobacco was a state monopoly, cigarettes were made with

    this paper, and that the Indians and Chinese preferred it

    (and perhaps they still do) to rag paper or other kinds,

    because of the horrible taste it gives the tobacco.



    "In China they commonly made paper of bamboo, but more

    principally from cotton and a plant which travellers have cited

    only by its common name, which they transcribe in various ways,

    calling it _kochu_, _kotsu_, or _kotzu_. Today it is known

    that this plant is an ulmacea (_Broussonetia papyrifera_)

    from a mash of which they still make cloth in Japan. Cotton

    paper is superior to it, and naturally more expensive; but

    the paper of inferior quality which was received in Manila,

    where nothing was imported regularly but common articles of low

    price, was of _kotsu._ As all Chinese-made paper it was coated

    with alum, the finer [the paper] the thicker [the coating],

    for the purpose of whitening it and making the surface smooth,

    a deplorable business, for it made the paper very moisture

    absorbent, a condition fatal in such a humid climate as

    in these islands. Moreover, as the alum used is impure and

    contains a large proportion of iron salts, the humidity and

    weather oxidize it which finally darkens the paper, so that

    Philippine books present a coloration which runs the gamut

    of tones from the color of bone to that of dark cinnamon." [3]





Because the Doctrina Christiana, which may well be translated "The

Teachings of Christianity," contains the basic elements of the religion

which the missionaries were trying to spread among the unbaptized

in the remote regions of the world, it was the most useful handbook

they had. A summary of the contents of the present edition shows the

fundamental character of the work. After a syllabary comes the Pater

Noster, the primary and most popular prayer of Christianity. Then

follow the Ave Maria, Credo, Salve Regina, Articles of Faith, Ten

Commandments, Commandments of the Holy Church, Sacraments of the Holy

Church, Seven Mortal Sins, Fourteen Works of Charity, Confession

and Catechism. Here in a small compass is presented the simplest,

most easily learned and most essential tenets of the Catholic Church.



So useful was the Doctrina considered as a guide for those who had

just been, or were about to be, converted that the missionary fathers

placed it in most cases foremost among the books necessary to have

in print in a strange land. It is generally accepted today, although

no extant copy is known, that the first book printed in Mexico [4]

in 1539 was a Doctrina in Mexican and Spanish. Recent research has

shown that the second book printed by the pioneer Jesuit press at Goa,

in India, in 1557 was St. Francis Xavier's _Doutrina Christao_ [5]

in the Malay language, of which also no copy has yet been located. But

there are copies of the first book to come from a South American press,

another Doctrina [6] printed in the native and Spanish languages at

Lima in 1584. So the choice of this book as the first to be printed

at Manila follows a widespread precedent.



We have then a book, the Doctrina Christiana, in Spanish and Tagalog,

corrected by priests of more than one order--and this is important

in tracing the authorship of the work--and printed by the xylographic

method with license at Manila at the Dominican Church of San Gabriel

in 1593. So much we get from the title, and in itself it is a fairly

complete story, but from the date of its issue until the present time

that very fundamental information has not been completely recorded.









THE BIBLIOGRAPHICAL HISTORY





In tracing our clues down through the years, we find at the very

beginning the most valuable evidence which has been uncovered, short

of the book itself. From Manila on June 20, 1593, the Governor of the

Philippines, Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, wrote a letter to Philip II of

Spain in which he said:





    "Sire, in the name of Your Majesty, I have for this once,

    because of the existing great need, granted a license for the

    printing of the Doctrinas Christianas, herewith enclosed--one

    in the Tagalog language, which is the native and best of these

    islands, and the other in Chinese--from which I hope great

    benefits will result in the conversion and instruction of the

    peoples of both nations; and because the lands of the Indies

    are on a larger scale in everything and things more expensive,

    I have set the price of them at four reales a piece, until Your

    Majesty is pleased to decree in full what is to be done." [7]





This states unequivocally that two books were printed at Manila some

time before June 20, 1593, one of which was the Doctrina in Tagalog,

and the other the same work in Chinese. Although we are chiefly

concerned here with the former, the fact that they were produced at

about the same time and probably at the same place makes it necessary

to trace the history of both in order to reconstruct the circumstances

surrounding the production of the one. Of the Chinese Doctrina no

copy has yet come to light, and except for two 1593 references,

there are no records of its existence.



Another document [8] of 1593 verifies the information given in the

letter of Dasmarinas, differing from it only in one detail. In the

Archives of the Indies was found a manuscript account of 1593 listing

books written in the Philippines, which says:





    "There have been printed primers and catechisms of the faith,

    one in Spanish and Tagalog, which is the native language, and

    the other in Chinese, which are being sent to Your Majesty,

    the Tagalog priced at two reales and the Chinese at four,

    which is hoped will be of great benefit."





The accounts of the printing of two Doctrinas contained in these

documents confirm some of the information of the title and add a bit

more. First, the letter says that the book was printed by permission

given by the Governor, which agrees with the "with license" of the

title, "for this once because of the existing great need." By a royal

cedula [9] of September 21, 1556, which was promulgated again on August

14, 1560, it had been ordered that Justices "not consent to or permit

to be printed or sold any book containing material concerning the

Indies without having special license sent by our Royal Council of the

Indies," and on May 8, 1584 this was implemented by the further order

"that when any grammar or dictionary of the language of the Indies be

made it shall not be published, or printed or used unless it has first

been examined by the Bishop and seen by the Royal Audiencia." This

latter portion was applied specifically to the Philippines in a letter

[10] from Philip II to the Audiencia of Manila, also dated May 8,

1584, to which further reference will be made. It can be gathered

from Dasmarinas' implied apology that he had never before given such

a license, and, since he had arrived in the Philippines in 1590, that

no books had been printed between that time and the licensing of the

Doctrinas. It is, moreover, likely that if any similar books had been

printed during the administrations of his predecessors he would have

mentioned the fact as a precedent for acting contrary to the cedulas.



According to Dasmarinas he had priced the books at four reales a

piece, which followed the regular Spanish procedure, under which

books were subject to price control. The Governor, it will be noted,

also apologized for the high price he was forced to set, giving

general high prices [11] as his excuse. Yet, while the appraisal of

four reales for this book was high compared to the prevailing scale

in Spain, it was not high compared to prices allowed in Mexico. On

June 6, 1542 the Emperor had given the Casa de Cromberger, the first

printing-house in Mexico, permission [12] to sell books printed there

at seventeen maravedis a sheet, or exactly one half a real. If we

assume that, although the Doctrina had been printed page by page,

it was quarto in size and so appraised on the basis of eight pages

to a sheet, we find that the price per sheet comes to about fourteen

maravedis, or less than half a real. However, a contradiction occurs

between the letter of Dasmarinas and this copy of the Doctrina,

supported by the other 1593 document. On the verso of the title, Juan

de Cuellar, [13] the Governor's secretary and the logical person to

sign the official valuation, gives the price as two reales, and the

1593 account, while agreeing with the letter as far as the Chinese

Doctrina is concerned, also lists the price of the Tagalog Doctrina

as two reales. It is impossible to say what caused the discrepancy;

perhaps it was a decision on Dasmarinas' part to lower the cost,

notwithstanding inflationary values, in order to make the book more

readily available for the natives who were not economically as well

off as the Chinese, or it could be that after the letter had been

written it was noticed that the Chinese volume was larger than the

Tagalog one, and some adjustment made. In any event, the price of this

Doctrina was finally set at two reales, making it less than half the

price allowed in Mexico fifty years before.



The evidence of the two 1593 documents would seem conclusive with

regard to printing in 1593, but witnesses were not long in appearing

who stated something quite different. The earliest of these was

Pedro Chirino, [14] a Jesuit priest, who came to the Philippines with

Dasmarinas in 1590. He went back to Europe in 1602, and while there

had a history of the Philippines printed at Rome in 1604. In 1606 he

returned to the islands, where he died in 1635. He left unpublished

the manuscript of another and more detailed history, dated 1610,

which contains a most significant passage, where, after speaking of

various early writers in native languages, he continues:





    "Those who printed first were; P. Fr. Juan de Villanueva of

    the Order of St. Augustine [who printed] certain little tracts,

    and P. Fr. Francisco de San Joseph of the Order of St. Dominic

    [who printed] larger things of more bulk." [15]





Concerning this Juan de Villanueva [16] very little indeed is

known. From what has been recorded it would seem that there were two

Augustinians of the same name who were in the Philippines before

1600. The first of these was a secular priest who came to Cebu

about 1566, may have taken the Augustinian habit some time after his

arrival, and died not long after 1569. The other Juan de Villanueva,

the date of whose arrival is unknown, was in Lubao in 1590, in Hagonoy

in 1593, and prior of Batangas from 1596 until his death in 1599. Of

the two there can be no doubt but that Chirino referred to the second

one. But, apart from Chirino's note, there is no record anywhere that

works by him existed, nor do the Augustinian chroniclers themselves,

except for the modern Santiago Vela who knew of Chirino's citation,

mention him as a linguist or a writer. The only possibility is that

between 1593 and 1599 Villanueva had printed some small xylographic

books no copies and no further record of which have appeared.



As for Francisco de San Joseph, or Blancas de San Jose as he is more

frequently called, there are other references to his part in the

establishment of printing in the islands. From information doubtless

obtained from Diego Aduarte, then in Spain, Alonso Fernandez wrote

in his ecclesiastical history, printed at Toledo in 1611:





    "Father Fr. Francisco Blancas printed in the Tagalog language

    and characters a book of Our Lady of the Rosary in the year

    1602, which was the first book that was printed there of

    that or any other material. After this he printed another of

    the sacraments in the language of the Philippines, in both

    characters, theirs and ours, from which the greatest results

    have been achieved." [17]





Two years later the same author published at Madrid an account [18]

of the miracles performed by the Rosary of the Virgin, in which he

included a list of "Of some writers of the Order of St. Dominic who

were living in this year 1612," and gave the same information as above,

adding only that the printing took place in Bataan.



Diego Aduarte, [19] whose history of the Dominican province of the

Philippines is one of the best contemporary ones written, bears out

these statements of which he was most probably the source. Aduarte came

to the islands in company with his close friend Blancas de San Jose

in 1595, went back to Spain as procurator of his order in 1607, and

returned to Manila in 1628, staying in the Orient until his death in

1636. His history was continued and edited after his death by a fellow

Dominican, Domingo Goncalez, who had it printed in 1640. Summarizing

the life and accomplishments of Blancas de San Jose, Aduarte wrote:





    "So he was sent to Bataan, which is near there [Manila],

    where he learned the language of the Indians, called Tagalog,

    which is the most common in this country and is used among the

    Indians for many leagues around the city. So rapid was his

    study of the language that he began to preach in it within

    three months, and could teach it to others in six.... And

    believing that he was the instrument needed to bring the holy

    gospel to the Indians, he spared no pains to investigate the

    fitness of their words, the way to use them, and all the rest

    so that he could succeed in mastering it.... He wrote many

    books of devotion for them, and since there was no printing

    in these islands, and no one who understood it or who was

    a journeyman printer, he planned to have it done through a

    Chinaman, a good Christian, who, seeing that the books of

    P. Fr. Francisco were sure to be of great use, bestowed so

    much care upon this undertaking that he finally succeeded,

    aided by those who told him whatever they knew about it,

    in learning everything necessary to do printing; and he

    printed these books. . . . He [Blancas de San Jose] printed

    a grammar to learn the Tagalog language, a memorial of the

    Christian life, a book on the four last things, another on the

    preparation for the communion, a confessionary, another on the

    mysteries of the Rosary of Our Lady, and another to teach the

    Tagalog Indians the Spanish language, and he left many very

    pious and curious works in the language of these Indians." [20]





Blancas de San Jose, [21] as we have noted, came to the Philippines in

1595. He was at Abucay in Bataan from 1598 until 1602, and then spent

several years in and about Manila, preaching to the Indians and the

Chinese, whose language he also mastered. In 1614 he set out for Spain,

but died on the voyage before reaching Mexico. Of the books which he is

said to have had printed, only two are known to be extant, the _Arte

y Reglas de la Lengva Tagala_ [22] and the _Librong Pagaaralan nang

manga Tagalog nang uicang Castilla_ [23] (or _Libro en qve aprendan

los Tagalos, la lengua Castellana_), both printed at Bataan in 1610,

and until the discovery of the present Doctrina and the _Ordinationes_

of 1604 the earliest surviving Philippine imprints known.



We have not cited here in detail the account of Juan Lopez [24] in

the fifth part of his history of the Dominicans, because, although it

was printed nineteen years before the appearance of Aduarte's work,

the information therein contained regarding the Philippines was

acknowledgedly obtained from the unfinished manuscript which Aduarte

had with him in Spain. The pertinent passages add nothing to Aduarte's

information, and even the wording is reminiscent of his.



The first suggestion that early Philippine books may have been printed

from wood-blocks occurred in Quetif and Echard's bibliography of

Dominican writers printed at Paris in 1719. There, after listing

eight works by Blancas de San Jose, they add:





    "He published all these in the Philippines with the help

    of a Chinese Christian using Chinese blocks, for in his day

    European typographers had not yet arrived in those islands,

    nor did they have types for their language." [25]





This was an amazing suggestion, for as far as we know the

bibliographers who made it had not actually seen the books; nor is it

entirely true. The first two works listed are two books we know were

printed typographically in 1610. The sixth is _De los mysterios del

Rosario de nuestra Senora Tagalice_, the book referred to by Fernandez

as having been printed in 1602, and generally accepted as being from

movable type, although no copy has been discovered to prove it. And

yet, it is not at all impossible that some time before 1602 Blancas de

San Jose had some of his writings printed from blocks. In any event,

the idea, later developed by Medina and Retana, that xylography was

used before a real printing-press was established, may have come from

this not wholly accurate note.



For almost a hundred and fifty years no historian or bibliographer

wrote anything to challenge the basic affirmations of Chirino,

Fernandez and Aduarte. In the middle of the 18th century, Lorenzo

Hervas y Panduro, [26] a Jesuit, was forced by the expulsion of the

Jesuits from Spain to seek refuge in the Papal States, and took up

residence at Cesena. There he began work on a tremendous universal

history of the spiritual development of man, into which he wove the

results of his philosophical, social and linguistic studies. These

last were of particular importance, and Hervas is regarded as the true

founder of the science of linguistics and comparative philology. In

1785 he published the eighteenth volume of his massive work, the

_Origine, formazione, meccanismo, ed armonia degl' idiomi_, in which

he printed a Tagalog Ave Maria as written in 1593, with the note:





    "The Ave Maria in the Tagalog of 1593 is to be read in the

    Tagalog-Spanish Doctrina Christiana which was printed in

    Tagalog and roman characters by the Dominican fathers in

    their printing-house at Manila in the year 1593." [27]





In 1787 he finished his twenty-first volume, _Saggio pratico_, [28]

which was another philological study, including the Pater Noster

in over three hundred languages and dialects, among them Tagalog,

again from the 1593 Doctrina. Here, then, is ample proof that a copy

of this book was known to Hervas in 1785, and the only information

which his loose transcription of the title failed to give was that

the volume was "corrected by members of the orders," that it was

printed with license, and that it was printed at San Gabriel.



At the beginning of the following century two German scholars, familiar

with Hervas' writings, noted the 1593 Doctrina. Franz Carl Alter, [29]

in his monograph on the Tagalog language, printed the Ave Maria from

the text which had appeared in 1785, and Johann Christoph Adelung,

[30] in his _Mithridates_, a comprehensive study of languages,

included the Tagalog Pater Noster from the _Saggio pratico_ of

1787. The latter also listed in a short bibliography of the Tagalog

language the Doctrina of 1593, giving exactly the same information

about it that Hervas had. Neither of these men apparently saw a copy

of the book, limiting themselves to extracts from Hervas, but they

perpetuated an earlier reference of the utmost importance.



Shortly after the two Germans published their notices of the 1593

Doctrina an entry appeared of a book printed at Manila in 1581. Jose

Mariano Beristain y Sousa, a learned Mexican writer, issued in

1819-21 a bibliography of Spanish-American books, in which he listed

alphabetically the authors, giving a short biography of each and

adding a list of his works. Under Juan de Quinones we find:





    "'Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala,' Imp. en Manila,

    1581." [31]





No specific authority is given for this entry, but in his sketch of

the life of Quinones Beristain cited as sources, Juan de Grijalva,

Nicolas Antonio, Gaspar de San Agustin, and Jose Sicardo. It would

seem logical that one of these must have mentioned such a work as

printed in Manila in 1581, but in tracing down the sources no such

precise notice is found.



Grijalva simply said that Quinones "concerned himself with Tagalog and

made a vocabulary and grammar of it." [32] Antonio [33] referred to

Grijalva, and carried the matter no further. San Agustin, describing

the Franciscan chapter of 1578, wrote:





    "It was determined moreover in this chapter that P. Fr. Juan

    de Quinones, prior of the Convent of Taal in Tagalos, and

    Fr. Diego de Ochoa, prior of Bacolor in Pampanga, should

    compose and fashion grammars, dictionaries, and confessionaries

    in the two languages [respectively Tagalog and Pampanga] in

    which they had ventured; which they executed very promptly

    and well, and these were of great use to those who came to

    these islands, for they had these by which they could study

    the languages." [34]





Later, San Agustin, again mentioning Quinones, referred to Grijalva,

and added as an additional source for his information Tomas de

Herrera. Sicardo [35] added nothing new. Herrera, not cited directly

by Beristain, may however have been the source from which the "Imp." of

his entry came. Herrera wrote:





    "He [Quinones] was the first to have learned the Tagalog

    language of which he published a grammar and dictionary as

    an aid to the ministers of the gospel."





If Beristain read this, he may have been misled by the Latin of

"published," [36] _in lucem edidit_, which may indeed mean printed

and published, but also means quite properly published in the sense

of written in manuscript and copied and circulated. We agree with

Schilling [37] that this latter meaning was the one intended. One

other statement that Quinones' works were printed may derive from

the same misunderstanding. About the year 1801 Pedro Bello wrote an

account, still in manuscript and unpublished, of the writings of the

Augustinians. His remarks on Quinones, first printed by Santiago Vela

[38], we believe are only an extension of Herrera's _in lucem edidit_.



This same confusion in terminology has been used [39] to support

Beristain's claim by introducing as evidence the letter of Philip II of

May 8, 1584. Salazar, the Bishop of Manila, probably shortly after the

Synod of 1582, had written the King a letter, now unfortunately lost,

in which he spoke of a decision to standardize linguistic works. In

answer to the Bishop, the following letter in the form of a royal

cedula was sent:





    "To the President and Judges of my Royal Audiencia situated

    in the city of Manila in the Philippine Islands.--It has been

    told me on behalf of Don Fray Domingo de Salazar, Bishop of

    that place, that it was agreed that no priest might make a

    grammar or vocabulary, and that if it were made it might not

    be published before being examined and approved by the said

    Bishop, because otherwise there would result great differences

    and disagreements in the doctrine; and this having been seen

    by my Council of the Indies, it was agreed that I should

    order this my cedula which decrees that when any grammar or

    vocabulary be made it shall not be published or used unless

    it has first been examined by the said Bishop and seen by

    this Audencia." [40]





Here again the word _publicado_ is brought forth to prove that the

letter referred to printed works, but here again the term is equally

applicable to manuscript works in common use and generally available.



Further evidence that there was no printing as early as 1581 is to be

found in a letter [41] from Juan de Plasencia, a Tagalist of great

renown, to the King, dated from Manila, June 18, 1585, in which he

reported on the state of missionary work in China and Japan, and added

that he had written a grammar and a declaration of the whole Doctrina

in the most common language of the Philippines, and that he was then

making a dictionary, concluding by asking the King to send decrees

ordering those works to be printed in Mexico at the expense of the

Exchequer. Is it likely that Plasencia would have so written if an

_Arte y Vocabulario_ had been printed four years earlier? Furthermore,

San Antonio, recording the book on the customs and rites of the Indians

written by Plasencia at the request of the Governor Santiago de Vera,

and dated October 24, 1589, said that it was not printed "because

printing houses had not yet come to this country." [42]



We then conclude with regard to Beristain's entry, that although

there existed in manuscript an _Arte y Vocabuldrio Tagalo_ by Juan de

Quinones, there is no evidence of the existence of any book printed

for him from wood-blocks or in type. Santiago de Vela [43] suggests

the possibility that there might have been a xylographic _Arte_ of

1581, but Schilling [44] questions this in the face of the complete

lack of reference to such a printed work by any 17th or 18th century

writer, and the tenuous notices of Bello and Beristain; yet to say

categorically that no such work was printed would be foolhardy in the

face of the scanty early records and the appearance of this Doctrina,

a single copy of which has just been discovered.



The first important work devoted solely to the early history of the

Philippine press was by T.H. Pardo de Tavera, who in 1893 published

his study of printing and engraving in the Philippines. He there

recorded a 1593 Doctrina, but adamantly refused to accept it on the

hearsay evidence of others. His account is valuable because it shows

that there may have been a copy of the Doctrina in Java in 1885,

and so we quote from it at some length:





    "A learned Dutch orientalist, Dr. J. Brandes, wrote me in 1885

    from Bali-Boeleleng (Java) telling me that in 1593 at Manila

    there was printed a Doctrina Christiana in Spanish-Tagalog,

    with the proper characters for the latter language. Other

    orientalists, at the last Congress in London in 1891, gave

    me the same information. Nonetheless, no one told me where

    he had read such a thing, nor much less that he had managed

    to see such a book, although inspecting a rare book which

    I acquired in Paris (Alter, _Ueber die tagalische sprache_,

    Vienna, 1803), I saw that the author cited such a Doctrina

    Christiana and said that he knew of its existence through Abbe

    Hervas. This is an error, and without doubt such a Doctrina was

    in manuscript, because in 1591 [he should have said 1593] there

    was no press in Manila nor in any part of the archipelago,

    and today we know for certain and positively that the first

    book issued there appeared in 1610." [45]





Pardo de Tavera was the first to call attention to Alter, and through

him to Hervas, and in all probability the orientalists at the London

Congress had seen the Doctrina cited by one of these or Adelung. But he

rejects that evidence in no uncertain terms. Mitigating somewhat his

assurance, he speaks following the above-quoted passage of printing

in China, and differentiates between xylographic and typographic

printing, and since he was obviously thinking in terms of printing

on a press with movable type his conclusions are not too extreme.



In 1896 appeared Jose Toribio Medina's _La Imprenta en Manila_, which

was up to then the best, most complete and most scholarly work on early

Philippine printing, and is today with its subsequent additions and

corrections the standard bibliography of the subject. There Medina

cited most of the authorities we have already quoted, the letter of

Dasmarinas, Fernandez' _Historia eclesiastica_, Aduarte, Adelung,

Beristain and Pardo de Tavera. Then, basing his conclusions strongly

on the Dasmarinas letter and the note of Adelung, he listed [46]

as number one in his bibliography the Doctrina of 1593 in Spanish

and Tagalog, and as number two the Doctrina in Spanish and Chinese

of the same year. This is a verdict which has stood the test of

time, and one that is just now confirmed by the discovery of the

book itself. Two points, however, in his survey should be noted. In

his discussion of the printing and the authorship Medina does not

emphasize the Dominican origin of the book, although he does say that

"it does not appear bold to us to suppose that the imprint of these

Doctrinas ought to be the Hospital of San Gabriel in this village

[Binondo]," [47] and faithfully copies Adelung's imprint notice, "in

the Dominican printing-house," in his listing of the book. The other

point is that he says in his introduction and repeats in his entry

that the Doctrina had a Latin as well as Spanish and Tagalog texts,

an erroneous translation of Adelung's "mit lateinische und tagalische

Schrift." He was hesitant as are all bibliographers, who must perforce

record the probable existence of a book a copy of which they have

never seen, in committing himself as to whether it was printed from

blocks or from type or by a combination of the two methods.



More positive and more succinct than Medina was T.E. Retana whose

earlier researches [48] into the history of the Philippines Medina

acknowledgedly made use of, and who in 1897 published his _La Imprenta

en Filipinas, Adiciones y Observaciones a La Imprenta en Manila_. He

took the material of Medina, added the evidence of Chirino and

Plasencia, and resummarized the problem. The letter of Dasmarinas

showed conclusively that a Doctrina was printed in 1593. Chirino said

that the first two whose works were printed were Juan de Villanueva and

Blancas de San Jose. Fernandez stated positively that the first book

printed in the Philippines was the book of Our Lady of the Rosary by

Blancas de San Jose printed at Bataan in 1602. Aduarte supported this

without mentioning a title, place or date of printing. If we are to

accept all these statements as incontrovertible, how can the apparent

contradictions be reconciled? The answer had already been hinted at,

but Retana solved the problem with amazing acumen, and arrived at

four conclusions, which are here printed in his own words:





    "A--That the Doctrinas of 1593, though printed at Manila, were

    not executed in type, but by the so-called xylographic method;



    B--That the initiative for the establishment of _typography_

    is owed to P. Fr. Francisco Blancas de San Jose;



    C--That the first _typographer_ was the Chinese Christian

    Juan de Vera at the instigation of the said Father San Jose;



    D--That the first _typographical_ printing of this Dominican

    author is of the year 1602." [49]





It is not difficult to say with the book itself in front of us,

that it is an example of xylographic printing, but it was a great

feat on the part of Retana, who had never seen a copy, to resolve

apparently irreconcilable differences of opinion on the part of

several unquestioned authorities by deducing that it was all a

matter of semantics--what did _printing_ mean? As for the sprite of

1581 introduced by Beristain, Retana dismissed it on the grounds of

insufficient evidence. In a word, he concluded that the first book

issued in the Philippines was a Doctrina printed from wood-blocks

in 1593.



All subsequent writers on the subject have derived their information

from the sources we have already mentioned, and to a great degree

have been influenced by the findings of Medina and Retana. The

Rev. Thomas Cooke Middleton [50] in 1900 confessed that he did not

know what the first book printed was. Pardo de Tavera maintained his

old intransigence, when in the introduction to his bibliography for

the Library of Congress in 1903 he wrote that Medina's affirmation

that printing took place in 1593 "loses all validity in the face of

the categorical statement of F. Alonso Fernandez." [51] Medina did

not comment further in his _Adiciones y Ampliaciones_ [52] of 1904,

yet when the same year Perez and Gueemes [53] published their additions

to and continuation of Medina, bringing his bibliography down to

1850, they resurrected the 1581 _Arte_, but added no new evidence

to prove their case. Blair and Robertson, in their tremendous,

collective history of the Philippines, did not include a list of

Philippine imprints in their bibliography, [54] but referred readers

to Medina and Retana with whom they agreed. To celebrate the three

hundredth anniversary of typographical printing in the Philippines

Artigas y Cuerva [55] wrote a study which emphasized the part played

by Blancas de San Jose, but did not deny the existence of the 1593

Doctrina. Retana [56] in 1911 brought his work on the subject up to

date, but retained all his major conclusions. In Palau's standard

bibliography of Spanish books we find the Doctrinas called "the two

earliest books known to have been printed in Manila." [57] Finally, the

most thorough recent work on the subject is to be found in Schilling's

[58] survey of the early history of the Philippine press published in

1937. There is little that can be added to the evidence uncovered by

these modern writers, but the appearance of the book itself enables

us to say with certainty some things which they were able only to

surmise. However, as regards the authorship and the circumstances and

place of printing we are able, from the information given on the title,

to carry the investigation somewhat further.









THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE TEXT





The title tells us that the book was "corrected" by the priests of

more than one order, and since it was printed by the Dominicans,

we can assume that the ultimate responsibility for the preparation

of the text in consultation with friars of other orders also lay

in their hands. Our problem then is to discover what texts were

available to them in 1593 and who were the priests who formed the

editorial board. We have included in this study also the origins of

the Chinese text, for the two Doctrinas appeared at the same time,

and as we shall see the same Dominicans were probably responsible for

the production and preparation of both the Tagalog and the Chinese

texts. During the period under discussion there were priests of four

orders active in the islands, and so we shall speak in turn of the

Augustinian, Franciscan, Jesuit and Dominican fathers who might have

written or worked on the Doctrinas printed in 1593.







THE AUGUSTINIANS





The first priests to come to the Philippines were six Augustinians

who accompanied Legazpi on the expedition which in 1565 established

the first permanent European settlement in the islands. Among them

was Martin de Rada, who was one of the most important and influential

priests during the early days of the Spanish colony, and who was the

first linguist of note to work in the Philippines. The first language

he learned was Visayan, [59] native to the island of Cebu where the

Spaniards first landed, but he also learned Chinese. In May 1572 he

was elected provincial of his order, and in June 1575 he went with

Jeronimo Marin, as ambassador to China, being "the first Spaniard

who entered into that said kingdom." [60] In preparation for the

voyage, we are told by Gonzalez de Mendoza, whose famous and popular

history of China first printed in 1585 derives in a great measure from

information brought back by Rada, that Rada "began with great care &

studie to learne that language [Chinese], the which he learned in

few daies: & did make thereof a dictionarie." [61] Rada was then not

only the first to write in Visayan, but also the first to compile a

Chinese dictionary, and more important still brought back with him

to Manila from China many books of which Mendoza gives a list. [62]

These books, printed in the usual Chinese method from wood-blocks,

could have provided models for the Spaniards in the Philippines who

lacked European facilities for printing, and they may have given

birth to the idea which resulted in the xylographic Doctrinas.



Within the first few years several more Augustinian fathers [63]

arrived whose linguistic accomplishments are briefly noted by the

historians, but while these men were certainly pioneers in the speaking

of Tagalog and Chinese, they are not recorded as having written in

the language. According to Cano, [64] the first Tagalog grammar was

written by Agustin de Alburquerque, and Retana [65] considered him

one of the possible authors of the present Doctrina. This friar

reached the Philippines in 1571, accompanied Rada on his second

expedition to China in 1576, was elected provincial in 1578, and died

in 1580. However, there is no early record saying that Alburquerque

wrote any linguistic work. The statement was not made until the 19th

century, and in contradiction Juan de Medina, who wrote in 1630,

said that Juan de Quinones "made a grammar and lexicon of the Tagal

language, which was the first to make a start in the rules of its

mode of speech." [66] Furthermore, in the official acts [67] of the

Augustinian province we find that on August 20, 1578 Alburquerque

as provincial of the order commissioned Quinones to write a grammar,

dictionary and confessionary in the Tagalog language. The conclusions

of Santiago de Vela [68] are that it is doubtful that Alburquerque

wrote any linguistic works, and if he did they were liable to have

been rough preliminary studies [69] upon which the texts of Quinones

were based. In view of the lack of positive contemporary evidence

[70] we believe that Alburquerque may be eliminated except as the

instigator of such works, and we return again to Juan de Quinones.



In so far as Quinones [71] was the author of a grammar and dictionary

claimed to have been printed at Manila in 1581, we have shown what

various writers have said, and though we must conclude that the work

was probably not printed, it is certain that he wrote in the Tagalog

language. Agustin Maria de Castro [72] said, although no earlier

writers support it, that Quinones actually presented a grammar,

dictionary and Doctrina in Tagalog at the Synod of 1582 for its

approval. Our total information about this Augustinian linguist boils

down to these essentials: that he did write a grammar and dictionary

of Tagalog about 1578-81, which may have been the earliest written

in the Philippines; that he may have presented these and a Doctrina

at the Synod of 1582 which approved Juan de Plasencia's works; that

there is no concrete evidence that any of these works were printed;

and that Quinones' works which were extant in manuscript in 1593

might have been consulted in the preparation of the present Doctrina.



Another member of the Order of St. Augustine who might have been

able to participate in the editing of the 1593 Doctrinas was Diego

Munoz. Munoz came to the islands in 1578, and died in 1594. Of him

San Agustin writes:





    "Moreover in this year [1581] the ministry for the Sangleys

    was founded in the convent of Tondo, and P. Fr. Diego Munoz

    was named as its special minister. He devoted particular

    zeal to the study of the Chinese language, and preached in

    it with much elegance. And all the Sangleys who were going

    to be baptized, and there were many, had recourse to this

    ministry, and the teaching was continued with much vigilance

    and care. And there never lacked a religious of our order

    to apply himself to such holy work, from the time we came to

    this land, as our original records of the province prove." [73]





To him is also attributed [74] a volume of manuscript panegyric sermons

in Tagalog, and because of this and his work at Tondo he may have

been consulted by the Dominicans. We also mention Lorenzo de Leon,

[75] who arrived in 1582, spent twelve years in the provinces, wrote

a book called the _Estrella del mar_ in Tagalog, and died in 1623,

and might also have helped.









THE FRANCISCANS





Although the first Franciscans did not arrive in the Philippines

until June 24, 1577, the writings of the linguists of that order

are more fully recorded. Among the earliest was Juan de Plasencia

who, the Franciscans claim, wrote the first Tagalog grammar. He was

fortunate in meeting soon after his arrival Miguel de Talavera, [76]

who had come with his parents on the expedition of Legazpi. Miguel,

then quite young, became in a manner of speaking the disciple of

Plasencia, and while the father taught him Latin, he in turn taught

Plasencia the elements of Tagalog which he had picked up. For two years

Plasencia ministered in the provinces of Tayabas, Laguna, and Bulacan

where he used and perfected his knowledge of the native language. On

May 20, 1579, when the provincial Pedro de Alfaro left for China,

he named Plasencia acting provincial during his absence. A reference

to the earliest linguistic writings of the Franciscans occurs in an

account by Santa Ines of the chapter meeting held in the Convent of

Los Angeles in July 1580, which was presided over by Plasencia:





    "The third and last thing that was determined in this chapter

    was that a grammar and dictionary of the Tagalog language

    should be made and a translation of the Doctrina Christiana

    completed. And since Fr. Juan de Plasencia, the president of

    this same chapter, excelled all in the language, he was given

    this responsibility, and he accepted it, and immediately set to

    work. And then after great study, much lack of sleep and care,

    together with fervent prayers and other spiritual duties,

    of not little importance in the good profit of such work,

    he reduced the language to a grammar, made a catechism,

    a very full dictionary, and various translations." [77]





But the most important record of his writings is contained in

the description of the Synod called by Bishop Salazar in 1582. In

March, 1581, Domingo de Salazar, the first Bishop of Manila and the

Philippines, had arrived. The problems which faced him were manifold,

particularly those of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the treatment of the

natives by government administrators, and the means by which the gospel

could best be spread. A synod was called to resolve these points. One

matter of the utmost importance was the approval of standard Tagalog

texts, and Juan de la Concepcion gives the following account of what

transpired in this connection:





    "His excellency presided at the meetings. At them the most

    learned topics were discussed and the most learned persons

    were present--the Dominican father Salvatierra, the most

    outstanding scholars among the Augustinians and Franciscans,

    the Jesuit fathers Sedeno and Sanchez, and the Licentiate

    Don Diego Vasquez de Mercado as dean of the new cathedral. At

    this convention or diocesan synod it was discussed whether the

    Indians were to be ministered to in their native language, or

    if they would be obliged to learn Spanish, and it was decided

    to instruct them in their native tongue. The divine office,

    the Doctrina Christiana, which Father Fr. Juan de Plasencia

    had translated into the Tagalog language, was approved. His

    work, the _Arte y Vocabuldrio Tagalo_, was judged most useful

    because of the ease by which it permitted an understanding

    and thorough knowledge of so foreign a language." [78]





The already quoted account of Santa Ines continues with a similar

description of the Synod, and says that when the problem of teaching

the natives was brought up only Plasencia could resolve it.





    "Since, having seen his catechism and the translation which he

    had made in Tagalog of the grammar and dictionary, those who

    were at the Synod and understood anything of the language could

    do nothing but admire the fitness of the terms, their efficacy

    and strength. And they said that, without the particular

    help of heaven, it seemed impossible that in so short a time

    and with so few years in the country he could have done such

    excellent work. And then, having approved them, they ordered

    that various copies be made, particularly of the translation

    of the Doctrina, so that with them and with no other would

    the ministers teach the Indians, and so it was approved,

    in order that there might be uniformity in all parts of the

    Tagalog country. This translation is that which has come down

    to this day, except that it is more polished." [79]





It must have been shortly after the handbooks of Plasencia received

the seal of ecclesiastical approval that Salazar wrote the King

speaking of the action taken, and got back in answer the cedula, quoted

before, giving the Bishop and Audiencia the right of censorship over

such works. The question of chronological precedence [80] between

Quinones and Plasencia is not important, for the specific approval

of Plasencia's texts by the Synod, attended by Quinones himself,

shows that Plasencia's books were accepted, and in conformity with

the ruling of the Synod would have been the only texts allowed to be

used generally in the Philippines.



Another reference to writers in the native tongues in an anonymous

manuscript of 1649 introduces the names of other linguists:





    "The first missionaries left many writings in the Tagalog

    and Bicol languages, the best of which are those left by

    Fathers Fray Juan de Oliver, Fray Juan de Plasencia, Fray

    Miguel de Talavera, Fray Diego de la Asuncion, and Fray

    Geronimo Monte. Mention is here made of the above fathers

    because they were the first masters of the Tagalog language,

    and since their writings are so common and so well received

    by all the orders. They have not been printed, because they

    are voluminous, and there are no arrangements in this kingdom

    for printing so much." [81]





Miguel de Talavera we have spoken of before. That he helped Plasencia

in the compilation of his earliest works in Tagalog is clear, and

to him in part must be attributed the miracle of the production by

Plasencia of the texts "in so short a time and with so few years

in the country." Martinez says specifically that Talavera "was the

first interpreter among our priests, and greatly helped Fr. Juan

de Plasencia in the composition of the _Arte y Vocabulario_." [82]

Juan de Oliver was in somewhat the same relationship to Plasencia,

but instead of helping with the initial attempts, he carried on from

where Plasencia left off. Oliver came to the Philippines on the same

expedition which brought Bishop Salazar in 1581. According to Huerta

[83] he worked in various Tagalog villages, and mastered the Tagalog

and Bicol languages, in which he wrote twenty-two works, which Huerta

lists. Of these three are of particular interest to us. The first

entry says that he "corrected the Tagalog grammar written by Fr. Juan

de Plasencia, and added the adverbs and particles;" [84] the second

that "he perfected and augmented the Spanish-Tagalog dictionary,

written by the said Fr. Juan de Plasencia;" and the sixteenth lists

a _Catecismo de doctrina Cristiana esplicado_.



Several authors, attempting to establish the priority of Quinones'

dictionary, question the existence of one by Plasencia at the Synod

of 1582 in the face of his own statement in 1585 that he "was then

making a dictionary." [85] To us there seems to be no inconsistency,

if Plasencia in 1585 was referring to a revision, unquestionably

made with his knowledge and help, by Juan de Oliver. In short, it

is reasonable to assume that Plasencia, burdened with administrative

duties from 1583 to 1586, during which time he was custodian of his

order, secured the aid of Oliver in reediting and continuing his

linguistic studies. Plasencia died in 1590.



The other two Franciscans listed by the anonymous historian of

1649 are elsewhere recorded as having written various works in

Tagalog. To both Diego de la Asuncion [86] and Geronimo Montes y

Escamillo [87] were attributed grammars and dictionaries, and the

latter also wrote a _Devotional tagalog_, said to have been printed

at Manila in 1610. In speaking of these early linguistic texts, it is

not necessary to believe that each was a completely original work,

but rather that they were based upon a recognized model, which was

at first the Talavera-Plasencia-Oliver text, and that the individual

missionaries used their experience in the field to produce, as it

were, new editions. That this was the case is borne out by the notes

of Pablo Rojo to his bibliography of Plasencia where speaking of the

grammar and dictionary he says that "perfected by other missionaries,

they have been the base for such grammars and dictionaries of Tagalog

as have been written, but in the form in which they came from the

hands of their author, they have not come down to us." [88] More

important still is Rojo's statement [89] that he found a portion of

Plasencia's Doctrina which had been believed lost, and from which he

quotes the Pater Noster. Since he does not say where the manuscript

was or how it was known to be Plasencia's text, we cannot put too

much reliance on the statement, but the text as there printed, while

similar to that of the present Doctrina, is not identical.







THE JESUITS





Before passing on to the Dominicans we shall mention briefly the

linguists of the Society of Jesus. In the early days there were not

many Jesuits in the Philippines. However, there were some linguists

among them, chiefly of the Visayan tongue, in which they are said to

have printed a Doctrina [90] as early as 1610. Limiting ourselves to

a note of those who knew Chinese and Tagalog, we find that the first

mentioned by Chirino as an outstanding master of one of these was

Francisco Almerique, who arrived with Santiago de Vera in 1583. Shortly

thereafter he "began the study of the Chinese language in his zeal

to aid in the conversion of the many Chinese who came to Manila and

whom we in the Philippines call Sangleys." [91] And Colin says "his

principal occupation was with the Tagalog Indians, being the first of

the Company to learn their language." [92] Nothing further is said of

his accomplishments in these languages, but his knowledge would have

been available in 1593, for he was then still active in the islands.



Chirino himself landed at Manila in 1590 shortly after Dasmarinas,

and went almost immediately to Taytay where he learned Tagalog and

was joined in 1592 by Martin Henriquez. At the time Juan de Oliver

was preaching in that district, and it is exceedingly probable that

he helped the newcomers with the language, for Chirino speaks of him

in terms of highest praise. Henriquez "learned the language in three

months and in six wrote a catechism in it, a confessionary, and a

book of sermons for all the gospels of the year in the said idiom,"

[93] but he died on February 3, 1593 at Taytay. How thoroughly Chirino

himself had grasped the fundamentals of Tagalog is evident from his

three chapters [94] on the language and letters of the natives in

which he prints the Ave Maria in Tagalog and reproduces the Tagalog

alphabet--its first appearance in a European publication. But Chirino,

who remained in the provinces until 1595, would have mentioned his

participation and that of Henriquez in the Doctrina of 1593, so we

record them as possible but not probable consultants.







THE DOMINICANS





Had Aduarte written that the first books printed at Manila were two

Doctrinas issued by the Dominicans at San Gabriel in 1593, and given

some details of their production, we could conclude our study with

a quotation from him, but nowhere does he mention them. In fact,

his inference was that the first book was that printed for Blancas

de San Jose, and yet we know that this Doctrina preceded anything

that Blancas de San Jose could have written, since he did not come

to the Philippines until 1595. We can assume, as Retana did, that

by printing Aduarte meant printing from movable type, but this does

not explain away the fact that Aduarte, who recorded in detail events

of far less significance, did not speak of the Doctrinas at all. The

best--and it is a most unsatisfactory best--that we can do is ascribe

the omission to the frailty of man, and record that there is no notice

of the Dominican Doctrina of 1593 in the most complete contemporary

Dominican history of the Philippines.



The first members of the Order of St. Dominic [95] to land in the

Philippines were Bishop Salazar and his assistant, Christoval de

Salvatierra. But they were fully occupied with the administration of

the bishopric and could not devote themselves to regular missionary

work. It was not until July 25, 1587 that working Dominican

missionaries came. Then fifteen [96] under the leadership of Juan de

Castro arrived, and established the first Dominican province [97]

of the Philippines and China, thus consummating the hope expressed

as early as 1579. [98]



In consultation with the other orders it was decided that the

Dominicans should be given the ministry of the territories of

Pangasinan and Bataan, which had theretofore been spiritually

exploited by few priests. Almost immediately, on September 15, 1587,

the vicariate of Bataan was founded and settled. In speaking of it,

Aduarte stressed the importance of a knowledge of the language of the

natives, which there would have been Tagalog, to the success of the

mission. Domingo de Nieva, one of the four members of the mission,

learned it rapidly and well, and soon began to preach to the Indians

in their own tongue. His aptitude for languages and its usefulness to

the Dominicans must have been very great, for Aduarte in listing the

priests who originally volunteered in Spain makes few comments about

individuals, but of Nieva he remarks that he "was afterwards of great

importance because of the great ease and skill with which he learned

languages, whether Indian or Chinese." [99] Unfortunately Nieva was

only a deacon, and so could not hear confession, a fact which was

greatly deplored, because during that first year no other priest

mastered the language sufficiently well to do it, but in September

1588 he reached the requisite age and was ordained. About that time

the friars in Bataan--one had died and another was ailing--were joined

by Juan de la Cruz, "who, being young, succeeded very well with the

language," [100] and also succeeded in surviving the climate.



Early in 1588 Juan Cobo [101] arrived from Mexico. Shortly thereafter,

on June 12, 1588, the Dominican chapter held its first convocation. It

elected Juan de Castro the first provincial, adopted the general

ordinances [102] already made in Mexico, gave the convent at Manila

the title of priory, and designated as parts of the province four

vicariates. Of primary importance was the appointment then of Juan

Cobo to the mission for the Chinese.



From the very earliest days of the Spanish occupation of Manila,

the governors had had trouble with the Chinese and Sangleys. [103]

These people had long conducted a profitable trade between China

and the Philippines, and many had settled permanently near Manila,

while others stayed there regularly between trading voyages. The

Chinese merchants were in full control of the shops of the city, and

so monopolized retail trade that the early governors legislated [104]

against them to give the Spaniards a chance to establish themselves

in business. In 1588 there were as many as seven thousand of them in

and around Manila.



No one had objected to the Pangasinan and Bataan assignments, but when

it was suggested that the Dominicans also assume the responsibility for

the ministry over the Chinese and Sangleys in the suburbs of Manila,

the Augustinians vehemently resented what they considered an invasion

of their prior rights. Aduarte omits any account of a disagreement,

merely saying that since the Chinese had had no one to minister to

them the Dominicans assumed that responsibility, but in a letter [105]

from the Licentiate Gaspar de Ayala to Philip II, dated from Manila,

July 15, 1589, full details of the squabble are given. From this source

we learn that the Augustinians had a convent in the village of Tondo

in the Chinese district. There they had ministered to the natives in

their own language, but had rather neglected their Chinese-speaking

parishioners. Consequently after the arrival of the Dominicans the

Audiencia passed an ordinance requiring that the Bishop appoint

ministers of one order to administer to the Chinese in their own

language within thirty days. To meet the deadline the Augustinians

began to study Chinese at breakneck speed, but when the Bishop came

to Tondo to hear one of the friars, who was supposed to know the

language, preach in it, there was some trouble as a result of which

the Augustinian would not, or indeed could not, preach. Naturally,

when it was decided to award the territory to the Dominicans, the

Augustinians accused the Bishop of favoritism towards his own order.



The whole situation is best described in the report on the Chinese

made by Salazar to the King on June 24, 1590:





    "When I arrived in this land, I found that in a village called

    Tondo--which is not far from this city, there being a river

    between--lived many Sangleys, of whom some were Christians,

    but the larger part infidels. In this city were also some

    shops kept by Sangleys, who lived here in order to sell the

    goods which they kept here year by year. These Sangleys were

    scattered among the Spaniards, with no specific place assigned

    to them, until Don Gonzalo Ronquillo allotted them a place

    to live in, and to be used as a silk-market (which is here

    called _Parian_), of four large buildings. Here, many shops

    were opened, commerce increased, and more Sangleys came to this

    city.... When I came, all the Sangleys were almost forgotten,

    and relegated to a corner. No thought was taken for their

    conversion, because no one knew their language or undertook

    to learn it on account of its great difficulty; and because

    the religious who lived here were too busy with the natives of

    these islands. Although the Augustinian religious had charge

    of the Sangleys of Tondo, they did not minister to or instruct

    them in their own language, but in that of the natives or this

    land; thus the Sangley Christians living here, were Christians

    only in name, knowing no more of Christianity than if they

    had never accepted it.... Then I appealed to all religious

    orders to appoint some one of their religious to learn the

    language and take charge of the Sangleys. Although all of them

    showed a desire to do so, and some even began to learn it,

    yet no one succeeded; and the Sangleys found themselves with

    no one to instruct them and take up their conversion with the

    necessary earnestness, until, in the year eighty-seven, God

    brought to these islands the religious of St. Dominic." [106]





So we find, as the Dominicans undertook their mission, a large

settlement of Chinese, including both a settled and a floating

population, concentrated in the Parian, across the Pasig river from

the main city of Manila.



The dominating figure of the Chinese mission from the time of his

arrival in the Philippines was Juan Cobo. In a letter, written by him

from the Parian of Manila, July 13, 1589, probably to ecclesiastical

authorities in Mexico, he gives an account of the early days of

the mission:





    "The Order took a site next to this Parian, since there was

    not a single house between Santo Domingo and the Parian. And

    because of this opportunity the Order presently charged

    itself with the Chinese, both Christians and infidels. And

    upon P. Fr. Miguel de Benavides and P. Fr. Juan Maldonado was

    imposed the responsibility for the care of the Chinese and for

    learning their language. P. Fr. Miguel was less occupied with

    other matters than Fr. Juan Maldonado, so that he progressed

    in the language enough to begin to catechize in it. This was

    the first year the Order was in Manila.



    "Presently in the second year when I came, the Order moved

    P. Fr. Miguel and myself into another separate house at the

    other edge of the Parian. So that there stood between Santo

    Domingo and San Gabriel, which is the name of this church

    of the Chinese, the whole of the Parian of the Sangleys. And

    there a poor little church was built under the protection of

    San Gabriel, to whom it fell by lot, and a poor house where

    we two lived. We entered into it at the beginning of September

    1588. This was the first church for the Chinese built, and we

    believe that there is today not another parish church [for

    the Chinese] but that.... And P. Fr. Miguel catechized them

    and preached to them in their Chinese language, and taught

    the doctrine in it. I myself did not yet know the language,

    but the Lord has been served, so that in a short time I

    progressed in it." [107]





The account of Aduarte is not so accurate in some details, but

it supplies others not mentioned by Cobo. The first mission which

Benavides and Maldonado (or de San Pedro Martyr as he was later known)

built was near the village of Tondo, in a new settlement specially

founded for Christian Chinese, called Baybay, and it was named for Our

Lady of the Purification. The second mission which was established

by Benavides and Cobo was at first a palm-leaf hut. The name of San

Gabriel was decided upon by making lots with the names of various

saints on them and then drawing. San Gabriel came out three times in

a row, and "all were persuaded that the Lord was pleased to have the

patronage belong to this holy archangel." Soon, because of the good

works of the fathers who established a hospital there for the care

of the sick and poor, the demands upon the hut became so great that

a larger building was planned. At first it was to have been erected

on the site of the hut, but the inhabitants protested that a stone

building so near native houses might do them great damage in the

event of an earthquake, so the friars went to the other side of the

river, and there built a temporary building of wood which was later

completed in stone. It was here then that the Doctrina was printed,

in the Church of San Gabriel, near the Parian of Manila, at the edge

of the Chinese settlement.



Under the care of Benavides and Cobo the mission flourished,

and the two fathers became increasingly proficient in the Chinese

language. When the provincial Juan de Castro began making preparations

for an inspection tour of his Chinese vicariate in 1590, he chose as

his companion Miguel de Benavides. The account of the events leading

up to this expedition is given in the already quoted letter of Salazar

on the Chinese:





    "Of the Dominican religious who came to these islands, four

    are engaged in ministering to the Sangleys. Two of these

    four officiate in the Church of San Gabriel, which, together

    with the house where the religious live, stands close to the

    Parian. Another church with its house is on the promontory

    of Baybay, near Tondo--which a river divides, separating it

    from Manila. Two of the four have learned the language of

    the Sangleys so well, and one of these two how to write also

    (which is the most difficult part of the language), that the

    Sangleys wonder at their knowledge.... After due consideration

    of the matter, the Dominican fathers and myself decided that

    it was necessary to go to China.... Thus we decided upon the

    departure, sending at present no more than two religious: Fray

    Miguel de Benavides, who was the first to learn the language

    of the Sangleys; and Father Juan de Castro, who came as vicar

    of the religious and who was made provincial here. We preferred

    these two, as one is well acquainted with the language, and the

    other is much loved and esteemed by the Sangleys on account of

    his venerable gray locks and blessed old age; and we know that

    in that land old people are much respected and revered." [108]





They sailed on May 22, 1590, but Juan de Castro before he left

appointed Cobo acting superior of the province with full authority

during his absence, and in the latter's place as head of the Chinese

mission sent Juan de San Pedro Martyr.



There is no doubt but that at this time Benavides and Cobo were

the two outstanding Chinese linguists among the Spaniards in

the Philippines. To Benavides has been attributed [109] a Chinese

dictionary, and Schilling [110] uses the already quoted letter of Cobo

to prove that he also wrote a Doctrina in Chinese, but, granting that

such works were written by him, there is no evidence that they were

written in Chinese characters, and not in Chinese transliterated into

roman letters. The available evidence points to the fact that Cobo

was the only one who could then write in Chinese characters. Salazar

in his above quoted letter had said that "one of these two [have

learned] how to write also," and in the same letter he continued,

"Fray Juan Cobo, the Dominican religious--who, as I have said before,

knows the language of the Sangleys and their writing, and who is most

esteemed by them--is sending to Your Majesty a book, one of a number

brought to him from China." [111] Further witness to Cobo's amazing

knowledge of Chinese writing is given by Aduarte:





    "He knew three thousand Chinese characters, each different

    from all the rest, for the Chinese have no definite number

    of letters nor alphabet.... He translated a number [of

    Chinese books]; for like those of Seneca, though they are

    the work of heathens, they contain many profound sayings

    like ours. He taught astrology to some of them whom he found

    capable of learning; and to bring them by all means to their

    salvation also taught them some trades that are necessary

    among Spaniards, but which, not being used by the Chinese,

    they did not know--such as painting images, binding books,

    cutting and sewing clothes, and such things--doing all to

    win men to God." [112]





Finally, as a more definite proof that Cobo could have been the

author of the Chinese Doctrina of 1593, we have the record [113] of a

_Catecismo de la Doctrina Cristiana en Lengua China_ written by him,

as well as many other works in Chinese.



In May 1590, then, the most accomplished Sinologist yet to work in

the Philippines was in charge of the Dominican province. "His first

act," wrote Aduarte, "was to strengthen the ministry to the Chinese by

appointing to it Father Domingo de Nieva, a priest of great virtue and

very able--which was tremendously important there--and one who best

mastered that language, as well as that of the Indians in which he

had had experience; and he worked in both of them, and wrote much

to the great advantage of those who came after him." [114] It is

surprising that no previous writer has emphasized the presence of

Domingo de Nieva, whose proficiency in Tagalog we have already noted,

at San Gabriel during the years when the printing of the Doctrinas

must have been planned and executed. His works are cited by Fernandez,

[115] and after giving a summary of his career, Aduarte added:





    "He wrote much in the language of the Indians and other things

    in the language of the Chinese for whom he had printed in

    their language and characters a memorial upon the Christian

    life, with other brief tracts of prayer and meditation, in

    preparation for the holy sacraments, of confession and the

    sacred communion. He was an enemy of sloth, and so worked

    much in Chinese, in which he wrote a practically new grammar

    of the Chinese language, a vocabulary, a manual of confession

    and many sermons, in order that those who had to learn this

    language might find it less difficult." [116]





Medina [117] records these various works as Manila imprints of unknown

date, and to this indefinite information about them we can add nothing

positive. However, it is apparent that some time before 1606, when

Nieva died on his way to Mexico, he had had books printed, and since

they were in Chinese they must have been printed from wood-blocks,

for at that early date it would have been impossible to have cast the

number of characters necessary to print in Chinese with movable type.



With Nieva was Maldonado, or San Pedro Martyr. He had been one of the

first associates of Benavides in the first Chinese mission at Baybay,

but after the arrival of Cobo he had been sent by order of the first

chapter to Pangasinan. When Cobo was appointed acting provincial

San Pedro Martyr was again assigned to the Chinese ministry. He had

learned Tagalog, and after his return to the Parian "he learned more

words of the Chinese language than any other member of the order,

though he was not successful with the pronunciation." [118]



On May 31, 1592, the Governor received a letter from the Emperor of

Japan demanding that an ambassador be sent to offer him the fealty

of the Philippines. Juan Cobo, as the best speaker of Chinese, was

chosen to represent the Spaniards, and he left Manila on July 29,

1592. After successfully convincing the Japanese Emperor of the amity

of the Spaniards, he left to come back to Manila, but his ship was

wrecked in November on the coast of Formosa, and there Cobo was killed

by hostile natives. Meanwhile Benavides had gone back to Spain with

Bishop Salazar in 1591, and did not return to the Philippines until

after his appointment as Bishop of Nueva Segovia in 1595.



That left as the only two remaining experts in the Chinese language,

Domingo de Nieva and Juan de San Pedro Martyr, both of whom were at

San Gabriel in 1592. _Moreover, both of them knew Chinese and Tagalog._

A text in Tagalog was available, based on the Talavera-Plasencia-Oliver

model, which had circulated freely, and this, we believe, was further

edited--hence the "corrected by the religious of the orders"--by these

two Dominicans. In their editorial work they may have been helped

by Juan de la Cruz, who, we have noted, was sent to Bataan in 1588,

there learned Tagalog, and "succeeded so perfectly with it that Father

Fr. Francisco San Joseph, who was afterwards the best linguist there,

profited by the papers and labors of P. Fr. Juan de la Cruz." [119]

Juan de Oliver, the pioneer Franciscan Tagalist was still living and

available for consultation, and the polylingual Jesuit, Francisco

Almerique, also was in Manila at the time. A Chinese text had been

written by Juan Cobo, and both Nieva and San Pedro Martyr were capable

of preparing this for publication, again possibly aided by Almerique,

and also Diego Munoz, if as an Augustinian he had been willing to

cooperate with the Dominicans. Nothing remained to be done but have

the blocks cut and the impressions pulled.







THE PRINTING OF THE BOOKS





The stage was set for the production of the Doctrinas. That there

were Chinese xylographic models upon which the books could be based

is evidenced by the account of Mendoza of the considerable number of

Chinese books brought to Manila by Martin de Rada as early as 1575. A

more likely model was a bilingual text in Spanish and Chinese which

Cobo describes in his letter of July 13, 1589, where speaking of the

Jesuits in China he says:





    "Moreover the Father of the Company who was in China wrote and

    printed in Chinese letters a whole book of the unity of God,

    the creation of the world, and the commandments explained;

    and in this book has gotten as far as the incarnation of

    the Son of God. Concerning this I am not speaking of things

    heard, for I have it, and am thus certain of it, as of all

    the things that happened. How far I have progressed with the

    Chinese letters I shall say later. This book was printed in

    China in 1584. It circulates freely in China whence we have

    our copy, and because of the writing, contrary to what others

    have misleadingly said about the Chinese, they have done him

    no ill: from which it may be inferred that the lion is not

    so wild as they paint him." [120]





There is no direct evidence to support our belief that it was during

the brief period after Castro returned, probably late in 1590, and

relieved Cobo of his executive responsibilities, and June 1592 when he

left for Japan, that Cobo began intensive plans for the production of

bilingual texts. His recorded interest in such books, his influence

with the Chinese, his energy and his own linguistic aptitude would

naturally have stimulated him to undertake the task. Whether he

actually began work on the blocks from which the books were printed,

or merely suggested the feasibility of the idea, we do not know,

but we feel sure that Juan Cobo was the father of the production of

books in the Philippines.



There is no need here to go into the history of printing in China;

the method used there and its antiquity have been fully described

by others. [121] That there were Chinese in Manila who understood

this age-old process would seem obvious from the reports of skilled

craftsmen whose presence was noted by all the writers of the period. We

have already quoted a reference to Juan Cobo's teaching them European

trades, and Salazar in his already cited letter speaks of them further:





    "They are so skillful and clever, that, as soon as they see

    any object made by a Spanish workman, they reproduce it with

    exactness. What arouses my wonder most is, that when I arrived

    no Sangley knew how to paint anything; but now they have

    so perfected themselves in this art that they have produced

    marvelous works with both the brush and the chisel.... What has

    pleased all of us here has been the arrival of a bookbinder

    from Mexico. He brought books with him, set up a bindery,

    and hired a Sangley who had offered his services to him. The

    Sangley secretly, and without his master noticing it, watched

    how the latter bound books, and lo, in less than [lacuna in

    MS.] he left the house, saying that he wished to serve him

    no longer, and set up a similar shop." [122]





To turn over a manuscript copy of a book to a Chinaman who had already

some familiarity with the production of books in China, or who with a

given text could carve the blocks according to tradition, was then not

a matter of great difficulty. There were Chinese books which showed

what the result would be; there were Spanish books, definitely some

from Mexico, which provided samples of European characters and format.



Who cut the blocks--that is exactly what Chinaman--we do not know,

nor do we know who handled the presswork, but it is logical to assume

that the whole process took place under the supervision of the fathers

of San Gabriel, Juan Cobo if work had begun before 1592, and certainly

Nieva and San Pedro Martyr. One further aide may have been the lay

brother, Pedro Rodriguez, who had been sent to San Gabriel with Nieva,

and who was a handyman or skilled mechanic, for Aduarte credits him

with rebuilding and restoring the hospital.



In speaking of the book printed for Blancas de San Jose, Aduarte said

that the printing had been done by "a Chinaman, a good Christian,"

[123] but in this particular account he does not give the Chinaman's

name. Yet, where he describes the founding of a second church of San

Gabriel in Binondo, sometime after March 28, 1594 [124] and before

June 15, 1596 when it was admitted to the chapter, he tells in some

detail of printing done by Juan de Vera. [125]





    "There have been in this town [Binondo, then called Minondoc]

    many Chinese of very exemplary lives. Juan de Vera was

    not only a very devout man, and one much given to prayer,

    but a man who caused all his household to be the same. He

    always heard mass, and was very regular in his attendance at

    church. He adorned the church most handsomely with hangings

    and paintings, because he understood this art. He also,

    thinking only of the great results to be attained by means

    of holy and devout books, gave himself to the great labor

    necessary to establish printing in this country, where there

    was no journeyman who could show him the way, or give him an

    account of the manner of printing in Europe, which is very

    different from the manner of printing followed in his own

    country of China. The Lord aided his pious intentions, and

    he gave to this undertaking not only continued and excessive

    labor, but all the forces of his mind, which were great. In

    spite of the difficulties, he attained that which he desired,

    and was the first printer in these islands; and this not from

    avarice--for he gained much more in his business as a merchant,

    and readily gave up his profit--but merely to do service to

    the Lord and this good to the souls of the natives." [126]





It is interesting to note that this narrative, which is in substance

similar to that about the books of Blancas de San Jose, nowhere

mentions the name of the priest in connection with Vera. It is probable

that Juan de Vera was, as Retana believed, the first typographer, and

it may be that he also printed the Doctrinas of 1593. It is impossible

to say with certainty, but it is not too fanciful to suppose that

Juan de Vera tried xylographic printing under the supervision of

Nieva and San Pedro Martyr, and after some experimenting achieved

typography in the time of Blancas de San Jose.



Since we have here dealt with a volume printed entirely from

wood-blocks it does not seem necessary to discuss in detail the

subsequent typographical books. However, just as this goes to press,

a copy of the _Ordinationes Generales prouintiae Sanctissimi Rosarij

Philippinarum_, [127] printed at Binondo by Juan de Vera in 1604,

has been discovered, and also presented by Mr. Rosenwald to the

Library of Congress. This is the volume described by Remesal [128]

as being printed "in as fine characters and as correctly as if in

Rome or Lyon." No copy of the book had been described since his day,

although Medina [129] and Retana [130] both listed it from references

which probably derived from Remesal. Its discovery--almost unbelievable

coming so close on the heels of that of the Doctrina--helps to close

the gap between the latter and the two Bataan imprints [131] of 1610,

the _Arte y Reglas de la Lengva Tagala_ and the _Librong Pagaaralan

nang manga Tagalog nang uicang Castilla_.



The full story of the early typographical products of the Philippines

must wait upon another occasion, for the questions posed by the scanty

records and the handful of surviving books are extremely knotty. Where

did the type come from? Medina suggested it was imported from Macao;

Retana believed it to have been cut in the Philippines. Fernandez

said that the first works of Blancas de San Jose were printed at

Bataan and the two 1610 books have that place of printing, yet in

1604 the _Ordinationes_ issued from Binondo. Remesal wrote that this

book was printed by Francisco de Vera, and the book itself bears the

name of Juan. Indeed, the history of the early typographers and the

output of their presses, as it has so far been written, presents many

problems, but they are problems which we feel are outside the scope

of this study.



To summarize what we have learned of the earliest printing in the

Philippines: we have the possibility, but not a likely one, that

an _Arte_ by Juan de Quinones was printed xylographically in 1581;

we know that in the first half of the year 1593 two Doctrinas were

printed xylographically--although we have no way of telling which

came first--one in Tagalog from the Talavera-Plasencia-Oliver text,

and one in Chinese written by Juan Cobo, both edited and printed under

the supervision of Domingo de Nieva and Juan de San Pedro Martyr;

we surmise that between 1593 and 1602 other works were also printed

xylographically, such as the small tracts of Juan de Villanueva and

some of the books of Blancas de San Jose, Nieva and others; and in

1602 was printed by Juan de Vera, in all likelihood from movable

type, the book of Our Lady of the Rosary by Blancas de San Jose. The

known facts are not many, and we can only hope that time and further

research will discover new ones to make the history of the earliest

Philippine imprints more complete and more satisfactory.





Philadelphia, January 20, 1947                 EDWIN WOLF 2ND.

















The most frequently cited authorities will be referred to as follows:



ADUARTE--Diego Aduarte, _Historia de la Provincia del Sancto Rosario de

la Orden de Predicadores en Philippinas, Iapon, y China_, Manila, 1640.



B. & R.--Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, _The

Philippine Islands 1493-1898_, Cleveland, 1903-09.



CANO--Gaspar Cano, _Catalogo de los Religiosos de N.P.S. Agustin de

la Provincia del Smo. Nombre de Jesus de Filipinas_, Manila, 1864.



CHIRINO--Pedro Chirino, _Relacion de las Islas Filipinas_, Rome, 1604.



COLIN--Francisco Colin, _Labor Evangelica, Ministerios Apostolicos

de los Obreros de la Compania de Jesus, Fundacion, y Progressos de

su Provincia en las Islas Filipinas_ (ed. Pablo Pastells), Barcelona,

1900-02.



HUERTA--Felix de Huerta, _Estado Geografico, Topografico, Estadistico,

Historico-Religioso, de la Santa y Apostolica Provincia de S. Gregorio

Magno ... de N.S.P.S. Francisco, en las Islas Filipinas_, Binondo,

1865.



MEDINA--Jose Toribio Medina, _La Imprenta en Manila desde sus Origenes

hasta 1810_, Santiago de Chile, 1896.



MEDINA (Juan de)--Juan de Medina, _Historia de los Sucesos de la

Orden de N. Gran P. S. Agustin de estas Islas Filipinas_, Manila, 1893.



P. & G.--Angel Perez and Cecilio Gueemes, _Adiciones y Continuacion de

"La Imprenta en Manila" de D.J.T. Medina_, Manila, 1904.



PEREZ--Elviro Jorde Perez, _Catalogo Biobibliografico de los Religiosos

Agustinos de la Provincia del Santisimo Nombre de Jesus de las Islas

Filipinas_, Manila, 1901.



REMESAL--Antonio de Remesal, _Historia de la provincia de S. Vincente

de Chyapa y Guatemala de la orden de nro glorioso padre Sancto

Domingo_, Madrid, 1619.



RETANA--Wenceslao Emilio Retana y Gamboa, _La Imprenta en Filipinas

Adiciones y Observaciones a La Imprenta en Manila de D.J.T. Medina_,

Madrid, 1897.



SAN AGUSTIN--Gaspar de San Agustin, _Conquistas de las Islas

Philipinas_, Madrid, 1698.



SAN ANTONIO--Juan Francisco de San Antonio, _Chronicas de la Apostolica

Provincia de S. Gregorio de Religiosos Descalzos de N.S.P. Francisco

en las Islas Philipinas_, Manila, 1738-44.



SANTA INES--Francisco de Santa Ines, _Cronica de la Provincia de San

Gregorio Magno de Religiosos descalzos de N.P. San Francisco en islas

Filipinas, China, Japon, etc. escrita ... en 1676_, Manila, 1892.



SANTIAGO VELA--Gregorio de Santiago Vela, _Ensayo de una Biblioteca

Ibero-Americana de la Orden de San Agustin_, Madrid, 1913-31.



SCHILLING--Dorotheus Schilling, _Vorgeschichte des Typendrucks auf

den Philippen_, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 1937, pp. 202-16.



TORRES--Pedro Torres y Lanza, _Catalogo de los documentos relativos

a las Islas Filipinas existentes en el Archivo de Indias de Seville_,

Barcelona, 1925-34.



VINAZA--Cipriano Munoz y Manzano, Conde de la Vinaza, _Escritos de

los Portugueses y Castellanos referentes a las lenguas de China y el

Japon_, Lisbon, 1892.











This facsimile of the Doctrina Christiana printed at Manila in 1593

was printed by Edward Stern & Company, Inc., Philadelphia, in an

edition of twenty-five hundred copies, and published by the Library

of Congress, February 1947. The type used on the title page and for

headings is Forum, and that in the text Italian Old Style.









        Doctrina Christiana, en

        lengua espanola ytagala, cor

        regida por los Religiosos de las

        ordenes Impressa con licencia, en

        S. gabriel. de la orden de. S. Domigo

        En Manila. 1593











        Tassada endos rreales

            Juandecuellaz











        A. a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. ij. l. m. n. o.

        p. q. rr. s. s. t. u. v. x. y. z. z.

        vocales. a. e. i. o. u.

        Ba. be. bi bo bu. Ca ce ci. co. cu.

        Da. de di do du. Fa fe fi fo fu.

        Gua gue gui guo gu. Ha he hi.

        ho hu. Ja je ji jo ju. La le li.

        lo lu. Ma me mi mo mu. Na.

        ne ni no nu. Pa pe pi po pu.

        Qua que qui quo qu. Ra re.

        ri ro ru. Sa se si so su. Ta te ti.

        to tu. Ua ue ui uo uu. Xa xe xi.

        xo xu. Ya ye yi yo yu. Za ze zi.

        zo zu.



        Ban ben bin bon bun. Can cen

        cin con cun. Dan den din don.

        dun. Fan fen fin fon fun. Guan

        guen guin guon gun. Han hen

        hin hon hun. Jan jen jin jon jun.

        Lan len lin lon lun. Man me

        min mon mun. Nan nen nin non.

        nun. Pan pen pin pon pun. Qua

        quen quin quon qun. Ran ren

        rin ron run. San sen sin son su.

        Tan ten tin ton tun. Uan uen.

        uin uon. uun. Xan xen xin xon

        xun. Yan yen yin yon yun. Zan

        zen zin zon zun.



        Ba be bi bo bu. Ca ce ci co cu.

        Da de di do du. Fa fe fi fo fu.

        Guan guen guin guon gun. Ha.

        he hi ho hu. Ja je ji jo ju. La le.

        li lo lu. Ma me mi mo mu. Na.

        ne ni no nu. Pa pe pi po pu. Qua.

        que qui quo qu. Ra re ri ro ru. Sa.

        se si so su. Xa xe xi xo xu. Ya ye.

        yi yo yu. Za ze zi zo zu.



        ķEl abc. en legua tagala.



        A O E HA PA KA SA LA TA NA BA MA GA DA YA

        NGA WA.







        ķEl paternoster.

        PADRE nuestro que estas en

        Los cielos, sanctificado sea el tu

        nombre. Venga anos el tu reyno.

        hagase tu voluntad, asi en la tierra

        como en el cielo. El pan nuestro

        de cada dia da noslo oy. Y per

        donanos nuestras duedas. asi como

        nosotros las perdonamos a

        nuestros deudores. Y no nos de

        xes caer en la tentacion. Das

        libranos de mal. Amen.







        Ang ama namin.

        Ama namin nasa langit ca

        y pasamba mo ang ngala

        mo, mouisa amin ang pagcahari

        mo. Y pasonor mo ang loob mo.

        dito sa lupa para sa langit, bigya

        mo cami ngaion nang amin caca

        nin. para nang sa araoarao. at pa

        caualin mo ang amin casalana,

        yaing uinaualan bahala nami

        sa loob ang casalanan nang

        nagcasasala sa amin. Houag

        mo caming ceuan nang di cami

        matalo nang tocso. Datapo

        uat ya dia mo cami sa dilan ma

        sama. Amen Jesus.







        A MA NA MI. NA SA LA NGI KA. I PA SA BA

        MO. A NGA LA MO. MO WI SA A MI. A

        PE KA HA RI MO. I PE SO NO MO. A LO O MO.

        DI TO SA LU PA. PA RA SA LA NGI. BI YA MO KA MI.

        NGA O. NA A MI KA KA NI. PA RA NA SA A RA A RA.

        A PA KA WA I MO. A A MI KA SA LA NA. YA YA

        WI NA WA LA BA HA LA NA MI SA LO O. A KA SA LA NA.

        NA NA KA SA SA LA SA A MI. HO WA MO KA MI E WA. NA

        DI KA MI MA TA LO NA TO SO. DA TA PO WA. I A

        YA MO KA MI. SA DI LA MA SA MA. A ME SE SO.







        El aue Maria.

        Dios te salue Maria. lle

        na degracia. El senor es

        contigo. bendita tu, estretodas

        las mugeres. Y bendito el fructo.

        deus  vientre Jesus. Santa Ma

        ria uirgen y madre de Dios rue

        ga por nosotros peccadores. aora

        y en la ora denuestra muerte

        amen. Jesus.







        Ang aba guinoo Ma

        Aba guinoo Maria ma

        toua cana, napopono ca

        nang gracia. ang panginoon di

        os, ce, nasayyo. Bucor cang pinag

        pala sa babaying lahat. Pinag

        pala naman ang yyong anac si

        Jesus. Santa Maria yna nang,

        dios, ypanalangin mo camima

        casalanan ngaion at cun mama

        tai cami. Amen Jesus.







        A BA GI NO O MA RI YA. MA TO WA KA NA. NA PO

        PO NO KA NA GA RA SI YA. A PA NGI NO O DI

        YO NA SA I YO. BO KO KA PI NA PA LA. SA BA BA YI.

        LA HA. PI NA PA LA NA MA. A I YO A NA SE SE SO.

        SA TA MA RI YA. I NA NA DI YO. I PA NA LA NGI MO

        KA MI. MA KA SA LA NA. NGA O. A KU MA MA TA KA MI.

        A ME SE SO.







        El credo en Romace



        Creo en dios padre, todo

        poderoso. Criador del cie

        lo y dela tierra. Y en Jesuchristo,

        su unico hijo senor nro. Que fue

        concebido del elpiritusancto. Y

        Y nacio de la uirgen sancta Ma

        ria. Padescio so el poder depocio

        Pilato. Fue crucificado, muer

        to, y sepultado, descendio alos

        infiernos, y altercero dia resuscito,

        dentre, los muertos. Subio a los cie

        los, y esta asentado ala diestra de

        dios padre todo poderoso, dende

        uerna ajuzgar alos uiuos y alos

        muertos. Creo en el espiritusato.

        y la sancta yglesia catholica, la

        comunio de los sanctos. La remi

        sion de los peccados. La refuree

        cion de la carne. La uida perdu

        rable, que nunca seacaba. Ame.







        Ang sumagpalataia



        Sumasangpalataia aco sa di

        os ama, macagagaua sa lahat,

        mangagaua nang langit at nang lu,

        pa. Sumasangpalataia aco naman

        cai Jesuchristo yysang anac nang

        dios panginoon natin lahat. Nag

        catauan tauo siya salang nang es

        piritusancto. Ypinanganac ni Sa

        cta Maria uirgen totoo. Nasacta

        otos ni poncio Pilato. Ypinaco

        sa cruz. Namatai, ybinaon, nana

        og sa manga infierno, nang ma

        ycatlong arao nabuhai na naguli.

        naquiat sa langit nalolocloc sa ca

        nan nang dios ama, macagagaua

        sa lahat. Sa caparito hohocom sa

        nabubuhai, at sa nanga matai na

        tauo. Sumasangpalataia aco na

        man sa dios Espiritusancto. At

        mei sancta yglesia catholica, at

        mei casamahan ang manga satos.

        At mei ycauauala nang casala

        nan. At mabubuhai na maguli

        ang na nga matai na tauo. At

        mei buhai na di mauala mag pa

        rating saan. Amen Jesus.







        SU MA SA PA LA TA YA A AKO. SA DI YO A MA.

        MA KA GA GA WA SA LA HA. MA GA GA WA NA LA NGI.

        A NA LU PA. SU MA SA PA LA TA YA A KO NA MA. KA SE SO.

        KI RI TO. I I SA A NA NA DI YO. PA NGI NO O NA TI

        LA HA. NA KA TA A TA WO SI YA. LA LA NA E PI RI TO SA TO.

        I PI NA NGA NA. NI SA TA MA RI YA. BI SE TO TO O. NA SA

        TA O TO NI PO SI YO. PE LA TO. I PI NA KO SA KU RU.

        NA MA TA. I BI NA O. NA NA O SA MA NGA I PE NO. NA MA

        I KA LO A RA. NA BU HA NA NA O LI. NA YA SA LA NGI.

        NA LO LO LO SA KA NA. NA DI YO A MA. MA KA GA GA WA SA

        LA HA. SA KA PA RI TO. HO HO KO. SA NA BU BU HA. A SA

        NA NGA MA TA NA TA WO. SU MA SA PA LA TA YA A KO NA

        MA SA DI YO E PI RI TU SA TO. A MA SA TA I LE SI

        YA KA TO LI KA. A MA KA SA MA HA. A MA NGA SA TO.

        A MA I KA WA WA LA. NA KA SA LA NA. A MA BU BU HA

        NA MA U LI. A NA NGA MA TA NA TA WO. A MA BU HA

        NA DI NA MA WA LA. MA PA RA TI SA A. A ME SE SO.







        La salue Regina



        Salue te dios reyna y ma

        dre demisericordia, uida

        dulcura y esperanca nra. Dios

        te salue atillamamos los deste

        ruados hijos de Gua. Atisuspi

        ramos gimiendo yllorando en

        aqueste ualle de lagrimas. Ga

        pues abogada nuestra, buelue

        anostros ellos tus misericor

        diosos ojos. Y despues dea.

        queste destierro muestra nos aje

        sus bendito fruto de tu ueintre. O

        clemente. O piadosa. O dulce uir

        gen Maria. Ruega por nos sata

        madre de dios quescamos dig

        nos de las promisiones de Chris

        to Amen.







        Ang aba po.



        Aba po sancta. Mariang ha

        ri yna nang aua. Ycao ang

        yquinabubuhai namin, at ang pi

        nananaligan. Aba ycao nga ang

        tinatauag namin pinapapanao

        na tauo anac ni Gua. ycao din

        ang ypinagbubuntun hininga na

        min nang amin pagtangis dini sa

        lupa baian cahapishapis. Ay

        aba pintacasi namin, ylingo mo

        sa amin ang mata mong maauai.

        At saca cun matapos yering pag

        papanao sa amin. ypaquita mo

        sa amin ang yyong anac si Jesus.

        Ay Sancta Maria maauain, ma

        alam, uirgen naman totoo, yna

        nang Dios. Cami ypanalangin

        mo, nang mapatoloi sa amin

        ang panga ngaco ni Jesuchristo.

        Amen Jesus.







        A BA PO SA TA MA RI YA HA RI. I NA NA A WA

        I KA A I KI NA BU BU HA NA MI. A A PI

        NA NA NA LI GA. A BA I KA NGA. A TI NA TA WA NA MI. PI

        NA PA PA NA NA TA WO. A NA NI E BA. I KA DI. A I PI

        NA BU BU TU HI NI NGA NA MI. NA A MI PA TA NGI. DI NI

        SA LU PA. BA YA KA HA PI HA PI. A A BA. PI TA KA

        SI NA MI. I LI NGO MO SA A MI. A MA TA MO MA A WA

        I. SA KA KU MA TA PO. YA RI PA PA PA NA SA A MI.

        I PA KI TA MO SA A MI. A I YO A NA SI SE SO. SA TA

        MA RI YA. MA A WA I. MA A LA. BI SE NA MA TO TO O.

        I NA NA DI YO. KA MI I PA NA LA NGI MO. NA MA PA

        TO LO SA A MI. A PA NGA NGA KO. NI SE SO KI TO.

        A ME SE SO.







        Los Articulos dela fee,

        son catorze. Los siete pertenesce

        ata diuinidad, ylos otros siete

        a la humanidad denro senor Je

        suchristo Dios y hombre uerda

        dero. ylos siete que pertenescen

        ala diuinidad son estos.



        El primero, creer en un so

        lo dios todo poderoso.

        El segundo creer que es dios pa

        dre. El tercero, creer qes dios hi

        jo. El quarto, creer que es Dios

        Espiritusancto. El quinto, creer

        que es criador. El sexto, creer

        qes satuador. El septimo, creer

        que es glorificador.



        Los que pertenescenatasa

        ta humanidad. Son estos.



        El Primero, creer que nues

        tro senor Jesuchristo, en quato

        hombre fue concebido del sptri

        tu sancto. El segundo, que nascro

        del uientre uirginal de la uirgen

        sancta Maria, siendo ella uirge

        antes del parto, yenelparto, y des

        pues del parto. El tercero, que

        rescibio muerte y pasion porsal

        uar anosotros peccadores. El quar

        to: que descendio alos infiernos,

        ysacolas animas de los sanctos

        padres que asta estauan esperan

        do su sancto aduenimiento. El

        quinto, que resuscito altercero

        dia. El sexto, creer que subio

        alos cielos, yseassento ala dies

        tra de dios padre todo poderoso.

        El septimo, que uerna ajuzgar

        alos uinos y alos muertos. Con

        uiene asaber, alos buenos paradar

        la gloria, porq guardaron susma

        damientos: yalos malos pena

        percurable porque nolos guar

        daron. Amen:







        Ang pono nang sinasangpa

        lataianan nang manga chris

        tiano labin apat na bagai. Ang

        pitong naona ang sabi ang Dios

        ang pagcadios niya. Ang pitog

        naholi ang sabi,a, ang atin pangi

        noon Jesuchristo ang pagcatauo

        niya. Ang pitong naona ang sa

        bi, ce ang Dios ang pagca dios ni

        ya ay yceri.



        Ang naona sumangpalataia

        sa ysang Dios totoo. Ang ycalua,

        sumangpalataia, ycering dios si

        yang ama. Ang ycatlo, Sumapalataia.

        ycering dios siyang anac. Ang

        ycapat sumangpalataia, ycering

        dios siyang spiritusancto. Ang

        ycalima, sumangpalataia, ycerig

        dios siyang mangagaua nang la

        hat. Ang ycanim, sumangpala

        taia ycering dios siyang naca

        uauala nang casalanan. Ang

        ycapito sumangpalataia ycering

        dios siyang nacalulualhati.



        Ang pitong naholi ang

        sabi ce ang ating pagninoon

        Jesuchristo ang pagcatauo ni

        ya ay yari.



        Ang naona sumangpala

        taia ang atin pagninoon

        Jesuchristo, ypinaglehe ni San

        cta Maria lalang nang spiritu

        sancto. Ang ycalua sumang

        palataia, ang atin pagninoon

        Jesuchristo y pinanganac ni

        sancta maria uirgen totoo, na

        dipa nanganac, nang macapa

        nganac na uirgen din totoo.

        Ang ycatlo sumangpalataia,

        ang atin panginoon Jesuchris

        to nasactan, ypinaco sa cruz.

        namatai sacop nang atin casa

        lanan. Ang ycapat sumang

        palataia, ang atin panginoon Je

        suchristo nanaog sa manga in

        fierno, at hinango doon ang ca

        loloua nang manga sanctos nag

        hihintai nang pagdating niya.

        Ang ycalima sumangpalataia

        ang atin panginoon Jesuchristo,

        nang magycatlong arao nabu

        hai nanaguli. Ang ycanim su

        mangpalataia ang atin pangino

        on Jesuchristo nacyat sa langit

        nalolocloc sa canan nang dios

        ama macagagaua sa lahat. Ang

        ycapito sumangpalataia ang a

        tin panginoon Jesuchristo saca

        parito hohocom sa nabubuhai at

        sa nangamatai na tauo. Ang ba

        nal na tauo gagantihin niya nag

        caloualhatian nang langit, ang

        nacasonor silla nang caniyang

        otos. Ang di banal pacasasamin

        sa infierno ang di silla sumonor

        nang otos niya. Ame. Jesus.







        A PO NO NA SI NA SA PA LA TA YA NA. NA

        MA NGA KI NI TI YA NO. LA BI A PA NA

        BA GA. A PI TO NA O NA. A SA BI I A DI YO. A

        PA KA DI YO NI YA. A PI TO NA HO LI. A SA BI I.

        A A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. A PA KA TA WO NI YA.

        A PI TA NA O NA. A SA BI A DI YO. A PA KA DI YO

        NI YA. A PA DI.



        A NA O NA. SU MA PA LA TA YA SA I SA DI

        YO TO TO O. A I KA WA. SU MA PA LA TA YA. YA RI DI

        YO. SI YA A MA. A I KA LO. SU MA PA LA TA YA.

        YA RI DI TO. SI YA A NA. A I KA PA. SU MA PA LA

        TA YA. YA RI DI YO. S YA E PI DI TO SA TO A I

        KA LI MA. SU MA PA LA TA YA. YA RI DI TO. SI YA MA GA

        GA WA NA LA HA. A I KA NI. SU MA PA LA TA YA. YA RI

        DI TO. SI YA NA KA WA WA LA NA KA SA LA NA. A I KA PI

        TO. SU MA PA LA TA YA. YA RI DI YO. SI YA NA KA LU

        LU WA HA TI.



        A PI TO NA HU LI. A SA BI I A A TI PA NGI

        NO O SE SO KI TO. A PA KA TA WA NI YA. A YA RI.

        A NA O NA. SU MA PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA

        NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. I PI NA LE HE. NI SA TA MA RI

        YA. LA LA NA E PI RI TO SA TO. A I KA WA. SU MA

        PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. I PI

        NA NGA NA. NI SA TO MA RI YA. BI SE TO TO O. NA DI PA

        NA NGA NA. NA MA KA PA NGA NA NA. BI SE DI TO TO O.

        A I KA LO. SU MA PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA NGI

        NO O SE SO KI TO. NA SA TA. I PI NA KO SA KU RU. SA

        KO NA A TI KA SA LA NA. A I KA PA. SU MA PA LA TA YA.

        A A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. NA NA O. SA MA NGO

        I PE NO. A HI NA NGO DO O. A KA LO LO WA NA MA

        NGA SA TO. NA HI HI TA. NA PA RA TI NI YA. A I KA

        LI MA. SU MA PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA NGI NO O. SE SO

        KI TO. NA MA I KA LO A RA. NA BU HA NA NA U LI.

        A I KA NI. SU MA SA PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA NGI NO

        O SE SO KI TO. NA YA SA LA NGI. NA LO LO LO SA KA

        NA. NA DI YO A MA. MA KA GA GA WA SA LA HA. A I KA PI TO.

        SU MA PA LA TA YA. A A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO.

        SA KA PA RI TO. HO HO KO. SA NA BU BU HA. A SA NA NGA

        MA TA NA TA WO. A BA NA NA TA WO. GA GA TI HI NI YA.

        NA KA LU WA HA TI A NA LA NGI. A NA KA SO NO SI LA

        NA KA NI YA O TO. A DI BA NA PA KA SA SA I. SA I

        PE NO. A DI SI LA SO MO NO. NA O TO NI YA. A ME.

        SE SO.







        Los mandamientos de la

        lei de dios son diez. Los tres

        pertenescen alhonor de Dios.

        ylos otros siete al prouecho del

        proximo.



        El primero, amarasa dios

        sobre todas las cosas. El

        segundo, no jurarasu sancto nom

        bre en uano. El tercero, sanctisi

        caras las siestas. El quarto, hon

        rraras atu padre y madre. El

        quinto, no mataras. El sexto

        nofornicaras. El septimo, no hur

        taras. El octauo, noscuantarafal*

        so testimonio. El noueno, no

        dessearas la muger de suproxi

        mo. El dezeno, nocobdiciaras,

        los bienes agenos. Estos diez

        mandamientos se encierran e

        dos, amarasa dios sobre todas

        las cosas. y atu proximo como

        ati mesmo.







        Ang otos nang Dios,ce,

        sangpouo.



        Ang naona, ybigin mo ang

        dios lalo sa lahat. Ang y

        calua, houag mo sacsihin ang

        dios cundi totoo. Ang ycatlo

        mangilin ca cun domingo at cu

        siesta. Ang ycapat, ygalang mo

        ang yyong ama, at ang yyong

        yna. Ang ycalima houag mog

        patayin ag capoua mo tauo. ag yca

        nim, houag cag maquiapir sa di mo

        asaua. Ang ycapito houag cang mag

        nacao, ag ycaualo houag mog paga

        uagaua nanguica ang capoua mo

        tauo houag ca naman magsono

        galing. Ang ycasiam houag cang

        mag nasa sa di mo asaua. Ang y

        capolo, houag mong pagnasa

        ang di mo ari. Ytong sang

        pouong Otos nang Dios da

        laua ang inouian. Ang ysa

        ybigin mo Ang Dios lalo

        lalo sa lahat. Ang ycalua ybig

        in mo naman ang capoua mo tauo

        parang ang catauan mo. Amen.

        Jesus.







        A O TO NA DI YO. I SA PO WO

        A NA O NA. I BI I MO A DI YO. LA LO SA LA

        HA. A I KA WA. HO WA MO SA SE HI A DI YO

        KU DI TO TO O. A I KA LO. MA NGI LI KA. KU DO MI GO.

        A KU PI TA. A I KA PA. I GA LA MO. A I YO A MA.

        A A I YO I NA. A I KA LI MA. HO WA MO PA TA

        YI A KA PO WA MO TO WO. A I KA NI. HO WA KA MA KI

        A PI SA DI MO A SA WA. A I KA PI TO. HO WA KA

        MA NA KA. A I KA WA LO. HO WA MO PA GA A GA A NA

        WI KA. A KA PO WA MO TA WO. HO WA KA NA MA MA SO.

        NO NGA LI. A I KA SI YA. HO WA KA MA NA SA. SA

        DI MO A SA WA. A I KA PO LO. HO WA MO PA NA SA HI

        A DI MO A RI. I TO SA PO WO. O TO NA DI YO. DA WA

        A I NO WI A. A I SA. I BI I MO A DI YO. LA

        LO SA LA HA. A I KA WA. I BI I MO NA MA. A KA

        PO WA MO TA WO. PA RA NA KA TA A MO. A ME SE SO.







        Los mandamientos de las sa

        cta madre yglesia, son cinco.



        El primero. ourmissa ente

        ra los domingos y siestas

        de guardar. El segundo, con

        fesar alomenos una vez en el

        ano. El tercero, comulgar de

        necessidad por pascua florida.

        El quarto, ayunar quando lo

        manda la sancta madre ygtia.

        El quinto, pagar diezmos y

        primicias.



        Ang otos nang sancta y

        gtia yna natin ceylima.



        Ang naona, maqui~nig nag

        missa houag meilisan

        cun domingo at sa siesta, pina

        ngingilinan. Ang ycalua, mag

        confesar miminsan man taon

        taon, at cun mey hirap na yca

        mamatai. Ang ycatlo, mag

        comulgar cun pascua na yqui

        nabuhai na naguli nang atin pa

        nginoon Jesuchristo. Ang ycapat,

        magayunar cun magotos ang sa

        cta yglesia yna natin. Ang y

        calima papamagohin ang Dios

        nang dilan pananim, at ang scey

        capoua yhayin sa dios. Amen.







        A O TO NA SA TA I LE SI YA. I NA NA TI A

        A LI MA.

        A NA O NA. MA KI YI NA MI SA. HO WA MA LI SA.

        KU DO MI GO. A SA PI TA. PI NA NGI

        NGI LI NA. A I KA WA. MA KO PI SA. MI MI SA MA.

        TA O TA O. A KU MA HI RA NA I KA MA MA TA. A I

        KA LO. MA KO MU GA. KU PA KU WA. NA I KI NA BU HA

        NA NA U LI. NA A TI PA NGI NO O. SE SO KI TO.

        A I KA PA. MA A YU NA. KU MA O TO. A SA TA

        I LE SI YA. I NA NA TI. A I KA LI MA. PA PA

        MA GO HI A DI YO. A DI LA PA NA NI. A A

        SA I KA PU WO. I HA YI MO SA DI YO. A ME.







        Los sacramentos de la san

        cta madre ygtia son siete.



        El primero baptismo. El segu

        do confirmacion. El tercero Pe

        nitencia. El quarto, comunio.

        El quinto extrema uncion. El

        septimo, orden de matrimonio.







        Pito ang mahal natanda

        ycauauala nang casalanan ang

        ngalan sacramentos.



        Ang naona ang baptismo. Ag

        ycalua ang confirmar. Ang y

        catlo ang confesar. Ang yca

        pat ang comulgar. Ang ycali

        ma ang extrema uncion. Ang

        ycanim ang orden nang sacerdo

        te. Ang ycapito ang pagcasal.

        Itong daluan holi pinatotooba

        nang dios ang tauo piliin ang

        balan ybig. Amen.







        PI TO A MA HA NA TA DA. A KA WA WA LA NA KA SA

        LA NA. A NGA LA SA KA RA ME TO.

        A NA O NA. A BA TI MO. A I KA WA. A KU PI MA.

        A I KA LO. A KO PI SA. A I KA PA. A KO MU GA.

        A I KA LI MA. A E TE RE MA. U SI YO. A I

        KA NI. A O DE NA SA SE DO TI. A I KA PI TO.

        A PA KA SA. I TO DA WA HO LI. PI NA LO LO O BA.

        NA DI YO A TA WO. PI LI I. A BA LA I BI.







        Los peccados mortales

        son siete.



        El primero soberuia. El se

        gundo Euaricia. El tercero,

        Luxuria. El quarto yra. El

        quinto, Gula*. El sexto Embi

        dia. El septimo Accidia.



        Ang ponong casalanan, y

        capapacasama nang caloloua

        cey pito.



        Ang capalaloan. Ang caramo

        tan. Ang calibogan. Ang ca

        galitan. Ang caiamoan sapag

        caen at sapag inum. Ang capa

        naghilian. Ang catamara.







        A PO NO KA SA LA NA. I KA PA PA KA SA

        MA NA KA LO LO WA. A PI TO.

        A KA PA LA LO A. A KA RA MO TA. A KA LI

        BO GA. A KA GA LI TA. A KA YA MO A. SA PA KA

        E. A SA PA I NU. A KA PA NA HI LI A.

        A KA TA MA RA.







        Las obras demisericordia,

        que qualquier chistiano deue

        cumplirson catorze. Las siete

        spirituales, y las otras siete cor

        porales. las siete corporales son

        estas.



        Ujsitar los enfermos. Dar de

        comer al que hahabre. Dar de

        beuer al que hased. Recte

        mir al que esta captiuo. Deltir

        al desnudo, que lo hamenester.

        Dar posada a los peregrinos.

        Enterrar los muertos.



        Las otras siete obras de

        misericordia spirituales, son

        estas. Ensenas alos sim

        ples queno saben. Dar consejo

        al quelo hamenester. Castigar

        al que hamenester castigo. Per

        donar al que erro contrati. Su

        friutas injurias de tu proximo

        conpaciencia, al doliente, yatsa

        nuedo. Consolar los tristes, y

        desconsolados, Rogardios

        por los uiuos y por los muertos.

        Amen.







        Ang cauaan gaua labin apat ag

        pitong naona paquinabang nag

        catauan, ang pitong naholi pa

        quinabang nang caloloua. Ang

        pitong naona paquinabang na

        catauan ay yari.



        Dalauin ang mei hirap. Paca

        nin ang nagogotom. Painumi

        ang nauuhao. Paramtan ang ua

        lan damit. Tubsin ang nabihag.

        Patoloyin ang ualan totoloya.

        Ybaon ang namatai.



        Ang pitong naholi paquina

        bang nang caloloua

        ay yari.



        Aralan ang di nacaaalam. A

        ralan ang napaaaral. Ang ta

        bo sala, ce, papagdalitain. Ual

        in bahala sa loob ang casalana

        nang naccasasala sa iyo. Houag

        ypalaman sa loob ang pagmo

        mora nang tauo sa iyo. Aliuin

        ang nalulumbai. Ipanalangin

        sa dios ang nabubuhai at ang

        nanga matai na christiano.

        Amen Jesus.







        A KA A WA A GA WA. LA BI A PA. A PI

        TO NA O NA. PA KI NA BA NA KA TA A.

        A PI TO NA HO LI. PA KI NA BA. NA KA LO LO

        WA. A PI TO NA O NA. PA KI NA BA NA KA TA A.

        A YA RI. DA LA WI A ME HI RA. PA KA NA.

        A NA GO GO TO. PA I NO MI. A NA U U HA. PA

        RA TA. A WA LA DA MI. TU SI A NA BI HA. PA

        TO LO YI. A WA LA TO TO LO YA. I BA O. A

        NA MA TA. A PI TO A HO LI. PA KI NA

        BA NA KA LO LO WA. A YA RI.

        A RA LA. A DI NA KA A A LA. A RA LA.

        A NA PA A A RA. A TA WO SA LA. PA PA DA

        LI TA I. WA I BA HA LA SA LO O. A KA SA LA

        NA. NA NA KA SA SA LA. SA I YO. HO WA I PA

        LA MA SA LO O. A PA MO MO RA. A TA WO SA

        I YO. A LI WI. A NA LU LU BA. A PA NA LA

        NGI SA DI YO. A NA BU BU HA. A A NA

        NGA MA TA NA KI NI TI YA NO. A ME SE SO.







        La confesion en Romance



        Jopeccador mucho herrado me

        confieso adios yasancta Maria,

        ya san Pedro ya san Pablo,

        ya los bien aueuturados, san

        Miguel harchangel, ya san

        Juan baptista; ya todos los sanc

        tos, yauos padre que peque mu

        cho con el pensamientoi conla

        palabra, y conta obra, por mi cul

        pa por mi culpa, por mi guan cul

        pa, por en de ruego a la bien aue

        turada uirgen sancta Maria,

        y alos bien auenturados apos

        toles san Pedro y san Pablo,

        y asanct Juan baptista, ya todos

        los sanctos y sanctas querue

        quen por mi anuestro senor. Je

        suchristo. Amen.







        Acoy macasalanan nagcoco

        pesal aco sa atin panginoon di

        os macagagaua sa lahat at cai

        sancta Maria uirgen totoo

        at cai sanct Miguel archangel,

        cai sanct Juan baptista sa san

        ctos apostoles cai sanct Pedro,

        at cai sanct Pablo at sa lahat

        na sanctos at sa iyo padre,

        ang naccasala aco sa panidim,

        sa pag uica at sa paggaua aco nga

        ce, sala aco,i, mei casalanan, aco,

        i, salan lubha siyang ypmagsisi

        sico caiangaiata nananalan

        ngin aco cai sancta Maria

        uirgen totoo at cai, S. Miguel archa

        gel, at cai, S.Juan baptista, at sa san

        ctos apostoles, cai S. Pedro at cai, S.

        Pablo at sa lahat na sanctos, nag aco

        a. ypanalangin nila sa atin pangi

        noo dios ycao nama padre aco,i.

        ypanalangin mo at haman caha

        lili canang dios dito aco,i, ca

        lagan mo sa casalanan co, at

        parusahan mo aco. Amen, Jesu.







        A KO MA KA SA LA NA. A KO NA KO KO PI SA

        SA A TI PA NGI NO O DI YO. MA KA GA GA

        WA SA LA HA. A KA SA TA MA RI YA. BI SE TO TO O.

        KA SA MI GE. A KA SI. KA SA SU WA BA TI TA. SA SA

        TO A PO TO LI. KA SA PE RO. A KA SA PA LO.

        A SA LA HA NA SA TO. A SA I YO PA RE. A NA

        KA SA LA A KO. SA PA NI RI. SA PA WI KA. A

        SA PA GA WA. A KO NGA A SA LA. A KO MA KA

        SA LA NA. A KO SA LA LO HA. SI YA I PI NA SI SI

        SI KO. KA YA NGA YA TO. NA NA NA LA NGI A KO

        KA SA TA MA DI YO. BI SE TO TO O. KA SA MI GO.

        A KA SI. A SA SO WA BA TI TA. A SA SA TO A

        PO TO LI. KA SA PI RO. A KA SA PE LA.

        A SA LA HA NA SA TO. NA A KO I PA NA LA

        NGI NI LA. SA A TI PA NGI NO O DI YO. I KA

        NA MA PA RE. A KO I PA NA LA NGI MO. A HA

        MA KA HA LI LI KA. NA DI YO DI TO. A KO KA LA

        GA MO. SA KA SA LA NA KO. A PA RU SA HA MO

        A KO. A ME SE SO.







        Las preguntas en Romace

        P. Eres christiano? R. si porlami

        sericordia de Dios. P.que cosa es

        christiano? R. El hombre bapti

        zado que cree lo que ensena di

        os, yla sancta yglesia madre nra.

        P. qua les la senal del christiano

        R. la sancta cruz. P. Aquien

        adoran los christianos? R. a nro

        senor Dios. P. que cosa es dios?

        R. la primera causa, el princi

        pio de todas las cosas, El que hi

        co todas las cosas, y el no tiene

        principio nifin. P. quantos dio

        ses ay? R. un solo dios. P. qua

        tas personas. R. tres P. como

        se llama la primera? R. Dios

        padre. P. como se llama la seu

        da? R. Dios hijo. P. como se lla

        ma la tercera? R. Dios spiritu

        sancto. P. son por uenturatres

        Dioses. R. no sontres dioses.

        las personas son tres, ysolo ai

        un dios. P. qual de las tres per

        sonas se hizo hombre? R. la se

        gunda persona que es el hijo.

        P. como se hizo hombre? R. por

        obra del spiritu sancto, en las

        entranas de sancta Maria uirge

        antes del parto, ydespues del

        parto. P. para q se hizo hombre?

        R. para podermorir en rescate

        de los peccados de todos los

        hombres. P. qual es erantos

        peccados de los hombres? R.

        el peccado de nuestros prime

        ros padres. Adan y Eva, del

        qual todos participamos, y fue

        ra de esto, los peccados actua

        les conque ofenden a dios ca

        da dia. P. como rescato a los ho

        bres? R. murio en la cruz y to

        mo asucargo los peccados de

        todos los hombres. P. despues

        de muerto nro senor Jesuchris

        to que hizo su alma? R. baxo

        a los infiernos junta con la diui

        nidad, ysaco las animas de los

        sanctos padres que estauan a

        guardando su sancto adueni.

        miento. P. El cuerpo de nuestro

        senor Jesuchristo fue sepultado?

        R. si P. resuscito. R. si P.qua

        do? R. al tercero dia, de su muer

        te. P. que dose aca en la tierra nu

        estro senor Jesuchristo? R. no,

        sino subro a los cielos, despues

        de quarenta dias de su. R. esurrec

        cion y esta asentado ala diestra

        de dios padre todo poderoso.

        P. que asiento tiene alla en el

        cielo? R. El mas abentaxado

        de todos. P. ay dia enque uedra

        ajuzgar uinos y muertos. R. si,

        P. quando? R. no se sabe. P.

        El alma del hombre aca base

        quando muere el hombre? R.

        no muere con el cuerpo como

        en los otros animales, si no so

        to el cuerpo muere y el alma

        uiue para siempre. P. ande uol

        uer adinir todos los que muere

        buenos y malos? R. ande uol

        uer adinir y juntar se el cuerpo

        con el alma para ser juzgados

        de chirsto nuestro senor. P.

        despues de. R. esuscitados los

        cuerpos de los hombres ande

        uoluer amorir? R. no P.que

        dara dios en premio a los bue

        nos. R. la gloria del cielo al

        la ueran adios y se alegraran

        y regozi jaran para siempre ja

        mas. P. que castigo dara dios

        a los malos? R. echar los a en

        el infierno allatendran torme

        los y dolores para simpre ja

        mas. P. que esta sancta ygle

        sia. R. todos los hombres

        christianos que creen en di

        os, juntamente consu cabe

        ca, Jesuschristo que esta en

        el cielo, ysuuicauio en la tierra

        que es el papa del Roma. P. En es

        ta sancta yglesia y cosas que

        quiten peccados? R. si P. que

        cosas son? R. el baptisimo a

        los no christianos, y la confe

        sion a los ya christianos que

        peccaron si searrepienten de

        suspeccados de ueras ytiene

        uoluntad de nunca mas boluer

        apeccar. P. En esta sancta yglia

        ay comunion de los sanctos? R.

        si. P. que esta comunion de los

        sanctos? R. la participacion

        de los buenos christianos en las

        buenas obras y sacramentos.

        P. quando leuanta la ostia el pa

        dre en la missa para quela ado

        rentos christianos quien esta

        asti? R. Jesuchristo nro senor

        dios y hombre uerdadero como

        esta en el cielo. P. En el caliz

        quien esta? R. la sangre uer

        dadera de nro senor Jesuchris

        to como aquella que deruamo

        en la cruz. P. que esta el chris

        tiano obligado a hazer, para

        saluarse? R. hazer y cumplir.

        los diez mandamientos de dios

        y los de la sancta madre yglesia.







        Ang tanongan.



        Tanongan. Christiano cana?

        Sagot. Oo.t aua nang atin pa

        nginoon dios. T. ano caia ang

        christiano? S. ang binagan su

        masangpalataia sa aral nang

        dios at nang sancta yglesia

        yna natin. T. alin caia ang tan

        da nang christiano? S. ang sacta

        cruz. T. sino caia ang sinasam

        ba nang manga christiano? S.

        ang atin panginoon dios. T.

        ano caia ang dios? S. ang onag

        mola. ang caona onahan sa lahat,

        ang mei gaua sa lahat, siya,e,

        ualan pinagmolan ualan caha

        ganan. T. ylan ang dios? S. ysa

        lamang. T. ylan ang personas?

        S. tatlo. T. anong ngalang nang

        naona? S. ang dios ama. T. anog

        ngalan nang ycalua? S. ang di

        os anac. T. anong ngalan nag

        ycatlo? S. ang dios spiritusacto.

        T. tatlo caia ang dios? S. dile

        tatlo ang dios, ang personas

        siyang tatlo, ang dios ysa

        lamang. T. alin sa tatlong per

        sonas ang nagcatauan tauo?

        S. ang ycaluang persona nang

        sanctissima trinidad ang dios a

        nac. T. anong pagcatauan tauo

        niya? S. pinaglalangan siya nag

        dios spiritusancto satian ni sacta

        Maria uirgen totoo nang dipa

        nanganac siya. nang macapanga

        nac na virgen din totoo. T. ayat

        nagcatauan tauo siya? S, nang ma

        yari mamatai siya tubus sacasa

        lanan nang lahat na tauo. T. atin

        caia ang casalanan nang tauo?

        S. ang casalanan nang atin magu

        gulang si Adan at si Eva nagin

        casalanan natin, naramai pala ta

        yo sapagcacasala nila sa pangino

        on dios. bucor naman doon ang sa

        diling casalanan nang balan nang

        tauo nagcasasala sa dios arao

        arao. T. Anong pagtubus niya

        sa tauo? S. nagpacamatai siya

        sa cruz, at sinacop niya ang san

        libotan bayan. T. nang namatai

        na ang atin  panginoon Jesuchris

        to sa cruz, anong guinaua nang

        caloloua niya? S, nanaog sama

        nga infiernos pati nang pagca

        dios niya, at hinango doon ag

        caloloua nang manga sanctos

        padres naghihintai nagpagda

        ting niya. T. ang catauan ni

        Jesuchristo ybinaon? S. oo. T.

        nabuhai nanaguli? S. oo. T. ca

        ylan? S. nang magycatlong

        arao nangpagcamatai niya. T.

        humabilin dito sa lupa ang atin

        panginoon Jesuchristo? S. di

        le humabilin dito sa lupa, nac

        yat sa langit nang magycapat

        napoung arao nang pagcabu

        hai niyang naguli, at nalolocloc

        sa canan nang dios ama maca

        gagaua sa lahat. T. anong pagca

        locloc niya doon sa langit? S.

        pinalalo siya nang dios ama ni

        ya sa lahat. T. mei arao na yhoho

        com sa nangabubuhai, at sana

        ngamatai natauo? S. oo T. caila?

        S. dile naaalaman. T. sino caia,

        ang hocom? S. ang atin pangino

        on Jesuchristo. T. ang caloloua

        natin mamatai caia cun mama

        tai ang catauan natin? S. dile ma

        matai ang caloloua natin para

        nang sa haiop, ang catauan la

        mang mamatai, ang caloloua

        mabubuhai magparating man

        saan. T. mabubuhai caia mag

        uli ang nangamatai natauo, ba

        nal man, tampalasan man. S, oo

        mabubuhai din maguli, at papa

        soc na moli ang caloloua sa ca

        tauan nang hocoman silang

        dalua nang atin panginoon Je

        suchristo. T. cun mabuhai na

        maguli ang catauan nang ma

        nga tauo mamatai pa caiang mo

        li? S. dile. T. ano ygaganti

        nang dios sa manga banal na

        tauo. S. ang caluualhatian

        sa langit doon maquiquita ni

        la ang dios, at matotoua at ma

        liligaia, at luluualhati magpa

        rating man saan. T. ano ypa

        rurusa niya sa manga tauo tan

        palasan? S, yhoholog niya sa

        ynfierno doon maghihirap sila

        at maccacasaquet magparatig

        man saan. T. ano caia ang san

        cta yglesia? S. ang lahat nata

        uo christiano sumasangpala

        taia sa dios pati nang pononi

        la si Jesuchristo,e, nasa langit

        dito sa lupa ang cahalili niya

        ang sancto Papa sa Roma?

        T. dito sa sancta yglesia mei

        ycauauala nang casalanan?

        S, oo, T, ano caia ang ycauaua

        la nang casalanan? S, ang

        pinagbinag sa dipa christianos

        at ang pagcoconfesal nang ma

        nga christianos mei casalana,

        cun magsising masaquet at

        mei loob na di moli maccasa

        la sa dios magparating man

        saan. T, dito sasancta yglesia

        mei casamahan ang manga

        sanctos? S, oo, T, ano caia

        ang casamahan nang manga

        sanctos? S, ang pagpapaquina

        bang nang manga Christianos

        banal na tauo, sa gaua maga

        ling sangpon nang sasacra

        mentos. T, Nang binubuhat

        ang ostia nang padre sapagmi

        misa sino caia ang naroon?

        S, ang atin panginoon Jesu

        Christo Dios totoo, at tauog

        totoo, para doon sa langit. T, sa

        caliz sino caia ang naroon? S,

        Ang dugong totoo nang atin

        panginoon Jesuchristo, capara

        niun nabohos sa cruz nang na

        matai siya. T, ano caia ang ga

        gauin nang manga Christiano

        nang macaparoon sa langit? S,

        Ang susundin nila ang sang

        po, uong otos nang dios, pati

        nang otos nang sancta yglesia

        yna natin.







        TA NO NGA.



        KI NI TI YA NO KA NA. O O A WA NA A

        TI PA NGI NO O DI YO. A NO KA YA

        A KI NI TI YA NO. A BI YA GA NA TA WO. SU MA

        SA PA LA TA YA. SA A RA NA DI YO. A NA SA

        TA I LE SI YA. I NA NA TI. A LI KA YA

        A TA DA NA KI NI TI YA NO. A SA TA KU RU.

        SI NO KA YA. A SI NA SA BA. NA MA NGA KI NI

        TI YA NO. A A TI PA NGI NO O DI YO. A

        NO KA YA A DI YO. A O NA MO LA. A KA O

        NA O NA HA SA LA HA. A MA GA WA SA LA HA.

        SI YA WA LA PI NA MO A. WA LA KA HA GA NA.

        I LA A DI YO. I I SA LA MA. I LA A

        PE SO NA. TA LO. A NO NGA LA NA NA O NA. DI

        YO A MA. ANO NGA LA NA I KA WA. DI YO A MA.

        A NO NGA LA NA I KA LO. DI YO E PI RI TO

        SA TO. TA LO KA YA A DI YO. DI LE TA LO A DI

        YO. A PE SO NA SI YA TA LO. A DI YO I SA

        LA MA. A LI SA TA LO PE SO NA. A NA KA TA A

        TA WO. A I KA WA PE SO NA. NA SA TI SI MA TI

        NI DA. NA DI YO A NA. A NO PA KA TA A TA WO

        NI YA. PI NA LA LA NGA SI YA. NA DI YO E PI

        RI TO SA TO. SA TI YA NI SA TO MA RI YA.

        BI SE TO TO O. NA DI PA NA NGA NA. SI YA. NA MA

        KA PA NGA NA NA. BI SE RI TO TO O. A A NA KA

        TA A TA WO SI YA. NA MA YA RI MA MA TA SI YA.

        TU BU SA KA SA LA NA. NA LA HA NA TA WO. A LI KA

        YA A KA SA LA NA NI LA. A O NA KA SA LA NA.

        NA MA GU GU LA NA TI. SI A DA. A SI E BA.

        NA GI KA SA LA NA NA TI . NA RA MA PA LA TA YO.

        SA PA KA KA O LA NI LA SA DI YO. BO KO NA MA DO

        O. A SA DI LI A SA LA NA. NA BA LA NA TA WA.

        NA KA SA SA LA SA DI YO. A RA A RA. TI NU

        BU NI SE SO KI TO. A LA HA NA TA WO. O O. A NO

        PA TU BU NI YA SA MA NGA TA WO. A PA KA MA TA

        SI YA SA KU RU. A SI NA KO NI YA. A SA LI BU

        TA BA YA. NA NA MA TA NA A A TI PA NGI NO O

        SE SO KI TO SA KU RU. A NO GI NA WA NA KA LO LO WA

        NI YA. NA NA O SA MA NGA I PE NO. PA TI NA

        PA KA DI YO NI YA. A HI NA NGO DO O. A

        KA LO LO WA NA MA NGA SA TO PA RE. NA HI NI TA

        A PA RA TI NI YA. A KA TA A NI SE SO KI TO.

        I BI NA O. O O. NA BU HA NA NA U LI. O O. KA I

        LA. NA MA I KA LO A RA. A PA KA MA TA NI YA.

        HU MA BI LI DI TO SA LU PA. A A TI PA NGI NO

        O SE SO KI TO. DI LE HU MA BI LI DI TO SA LU PA.

        NA YA SA LA NGI. NA MA I KA PA NA PO WO A

        RA. A PA KA BU HA NI YA NA O LI. A NA LO

        LO LO SA KA NA NA DI YO A MA. A KA GA GA WA

        SA LA HA. A NO PA KA LO LO NI YA. DO O SA LA

        NGI. PI NA LO LO SI YA NA DI YO A MA NI YA.

        SA LA HA. MA A RA NA I HO HO. SA MA BU BU HA

        A SA NA NGA MA TA NA TA WO. O O. KA I LA. DI LE

        NA A A LA MA. SI NO KA YA A HO KO. A A

        TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. A KA LO LO WA NA TI.

        MA MA TA KA YA. KO MA MA TA A KA TA A NA TI.

        DI LE MA MA TA A KA LO LO WA NA TI. PA RA NA SA I

        BA HA YO. A KA TA A NA LA MA. A MA MA TA. A KA

        LO LO WA MA BU BU HA. MA PA RA TI MA SA A

        MA BU BU HA KA YA MA O LI. A NA NGA MA TA NA TO WO.

        BA NA MA. TA PA LA SA MA. O O NA BU BU HA RI

        MA U LI. A PA PA SO NA MO LI. A KA LO LO

        WA SA KA TA A NI YA. NA HO KO MA SI LA DA WA.

        NA A TI PA NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. KU MA BU HA

        NA MA O LI. A KA TA A NA MA NGA TA WO. MA MA TA

        PA KA YA MO LI. DI LE. ANO I GA GA TI NA DI YO

        SA MA NGA BA NA NA TA WO. A KA LU WA HA TI A A SA LA

        NGI. DO O MA KI KI TA NI LA A DI YO. A MA TO

        TO WA. A MA LI LI GA YA. A LU LU WA HA TI. MA PA

        RA TI MA SA A. A NO I PA RU RU SA NA DI YO

        A MA NGA TA WO TA PA LA SA. I HO HO LO NI YA.

        SA I PE NO. DO O MA HI HI RA SI YA. A MA KA

        KA SA KI. MA PA RA TI MA SA A. A NO KA YA A

        SA TA I LE SI YA. A LA HA NA TA WO KI NI TI YA NO.

        SU MA SA PA LA TA YA SA DI YO. PA TI NA PO

        PO NI LA SI SE SO KI TO. NA SA LA NGI. A DI

        TO SA LU PA. A KA HA LI LI NI YA. A SA TO PA

        PA. DI TO SA SA TA I LE SI YA. MA I KA WA WA LA

        NA KA SA LA NA. A NO KA YA A I KA WA WA LA

        NA KA SA LA NA. A PA BI YA SA DI PA KI NI TI

        YA NO. A A PA KO KO PI SA. A MA NGA KA

        NI TI YA NO. MA KA SA LA NA. KU MA SI SI MA SA KI.

        A MA LO O. NA DI MO LI MA KA SA LA SA DI YO

        MA PA RA TI MA SA A. DI TO SA SA TA I LE SI

        YA. MA KA SA MA HA. A MA NGA SA TO. O O. A NO

        KA YA A KA SA MA HA. NA MA NGA SA TO. A PA PA

        PA KI NA BA. NA MA NGA KI NI TI YA NO. BA NA NA

        TA WO. SA GA WA MA GA LI. SA PO NA SA SA KA RA ME TO.

        NA BI NU BU HA A O TI YA NA PA RE. SA PA MI

        MI SA. SI NO KA YA A NA RO O. A A TI PA

        NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. DI YO TO TO O. A TA WO

        TO TO O. PA RA DO O SA LA NGI. SA KA LI. SI NO

        KA YA A NA DO O. A DU GO TO TO O. NA A TI PA

        NGI NO O SE SO KI TO. KA PA RA NI U NA BO HO SA KU

        RU. NA NA MA TA SI YA. ANO KA YA. A GA GA I

        NA MA NGA KI NI TI YA NO. NA MA KA PA RO O SA

        LA NGI. A SU SU DI NI YA. A SA PO WO O TO NA DI

        YO. PA TI NA O TO NA SA TA I LE SI YA.

        I NA NA TI.





        Laus Deo











NOTES



[1] Tagalog characters are said to be similar to old Javanese, Ignacio

Villamot, _La Antigua Escritura Filipina_, Manila, 1922, p. 30. They

were replaced under the Spanish occupation by roman letters, and

are not now used. The best definitive grammar is Frank R. Blake's _A

Grammar of the Tagalog Language_, New Haven, 1925, where, p. 1, he

defines the language as follows: "Tagalog is the principal language

of Luzon, the largest island of the Philippine Archipelago. It is

spoken in Manila and in the middle region of Luzon. Tagalog, like

all the Philippine languages about which anything is known, belongs

to the Malayo-Polynesian family of speech, which embraces the idioms

spoken on the islands of Polynesia, Melanesia, and Malaysia, on the

Malay peninsula, and on the island of Madagascar."



[2] The woodcut, showing St. Dominic beneath a star holding a lily and

a book, the usual symbols of this saint, and clad in the white habit

and black cloak of his order, seems to be of oriental workmanship,

differing vastly from contemporary Spanish and Mexican cuts of the

same type. The clouds, for instance, are characteristically Chinese,

and the buildings in the background more reminiscent of eastern

temples than European churches.



[3] T.H. Pardo de Tavera, _Noticias sobre La Imprenta y el Grabado

en Filipinas_, Madrid, 1893, pp. 9-10. Dard Hunter in _Papermaking

through Eighteen Centuries_, New York, 1930, pp. 109-16, describes

papermaking in China, and mentions the use of "makaso" or "takaso,"

both species of the paper mulberry, as material for the making

of paper. The paper mulberry's scientific name is _Broussonetia

papyrifera_. Later, on p. 141, he speaks of the use by the Chinese

of gypsum, lichen, starch, rice flour and animal glue for sizing.



[4] The best short summaries in English of the beginnings of printing

in Mexico are Henry R. Wagner's introduction to the exhibition

catalogue of _Mexican Imprints 1544-1600 In the Huntington Library_,

San Marino, 1939, pp. 3-10; and Lawrence C. Wroth, _Some Reflections

on the Book Arts in Early Mexico_, Cambridge (Mass.), 1945.



[5] J.B. Primrose, _The First Press in India and Its Printers_,

The Library, 4th Series, 1939, XX, pp. 244-5.



[6] Jose Toribio Medina, _La Imprenta en Lima_, Santiago de Chile,

1904-17, no. 1, p. 3.



[7] A contemporary copy of this letter--the original is not known--lay

forgotten and unnoticed in the Archives of the Indies (1-1-3/25,

no. 52), Torres, III, no. 4151, p. 83, until discovered there by

Pascual de Gayangos, who called it to the attention of W.E. Retana,

who first printed it in _La Politica de Espana en Filipinas_, no. 97,

Oct. 23, 1894. It was later rediscovered independently by Medina who

also printed it in his _La Imprenta en Manila_, p. xix. Gomez Perez

Dasmarinas, formerly corregidor of Murcia and Cartagena in Spain,

was appointed governor of the Philippines in 1589, landed at Manila

in May 1590, and remained in office until his death in October 1593.



[8] _Relacion de lo que se ha escrito y escribe en las Filipinas

fecho este ano de 1593_, an apparently inedited MS. in the A. of I.,

Index 9, no. 81, from which the passage was quoted by Retana in his

edition of Antonio de Morga's _Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas_, Madrid,

1909, p. 425, and Manuel Artigas y Cuerva, _La Primera Imprenta en

Filipinas_, Manila, 1910, p. xi. This may be the MS. listed by Torres,

III, no. 4229, p. 91, as _Breve sumario y memorial de apuntamientos

de lo que se ha escrito y escribe en las Islas Filipinas_, undated

but probably 1593.



[9] _Recopilacion de las Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias_, Madrid,

1681, I, ff. 123v-124r, where they are Laws 1 and 3, Title XXIV,

Book I.



[10] Medina, p. xxviii, from. _Libro de provisiones reales_, Madrid,

1596, I, p. 231.



[11] Inflation in the Philippines was discussed in a report sent by

Bishop Salazar to the King in 1583, B. & R., V, pp. 210-11, translated

from Retana,  _Archivo del bibliofilo filipino_, Madrid, 1895-97,

III. no 1.



[12] Henry R. Wagner, _The House of Cromberger_, in _To Doctor

R[osenbach]_, Philadelphia, 1946, pp. 234 & 238, where he gives

some interesting comparative figures: in 1542 the Casa de Cromberger

could charge 17 maravedis a sheet; in Spain in 1552 Lopez de Gomara's

_Historia de las Indias_ was appraised at 2 maravedis a sheet; and

in Mexico Vasco de Puga's _Provisiones_ of 1563 was permitted to sell

at the tremendous figure of one real or 34 maravedis a sheet.



[13] Juan de Cuellar was mentioned in the Letter of Instruction given

by Philip II to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas on August 9, 1589, as among

those "who are men of worth and account" in the Philippines and who

should be provided for and rewarded accordingly, B. & R., VII, p. 151,

translated from the original MS. in the A. of I. (105-2-11), Torres,

III, no. 3567, p. 17. Cuellar received a commission from Dasmarinas

and signed various documents during his administration as secretary

and notary. Antonio de Morga, _Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas_, Mexico,

1609, f. 13v, reports that Cuellar was one of two survivors of the ship

on which Dasmarinas sailed in October 1593 as part of an expedition

to conquer the fort of Terrenate in Maluco. On the second day out,

while the ship was weather-bound at Punta del Acufre, the Chinese

rowers mutinied, and only Cuellar, there described as the governor's

secretary, and the Franciscan father, Francisco de Montilla, survived

the ensuing massacre. They were set ashore on the coast of Ylocos, and

made their way back to Manila. A similar account appears in Chapter XVI

of Leonardo de Argensola's, _Conqvista delas Islas Malvcas_, Madrid,

1609. We have been able to find no subsequent record of Cuellar.



[14] Colin, I, pp. 501, 507-14, 561-6.



[15] Pedro Chirino, _Primera parte de la Historia de la provincia

de Philipinas de la Compania de Ihs_, unpublished MS. of 1610,

from which the present passage was quoted by Retana, col. 25. For an

account of the MS. see Santiago Vela, VI, p. 435n. Schilling, p. 214,

demonstrates that according to the original punctuation the meaning

is that the first printers were Villanueva and Blancas de San Jose,

but with the shifting of a semi-colon it could be read to mean that the

first printers were of the Order of St. Augustine. We can see no reason

to shift the semi-colon, and have retained it in its original place.



[16] Retana, col. 26, said that he was able to find no information

regarding Villanueva except for the listing of his name by Cano,

p. 43, as having arrived in the Philippines at an unknown date. The

destruction of the early records of the Augustinians when the English

sacked Manila in 1762 accounts for the paucity of information, but

there are a few references which throw some little light on the two

Villanuevas. San Agustin, p. 212, says that when Herrara sailed for

Mexico in 1569 he left in Cebu only "P. Fr. Martin de Rada and two

virtuous clerics, the one named Juan de Vivero, and the other Juan

de Villanueva, who had come with Felipe de Salcedo." Salcedo had

come back to Cebu in 1566. Francisco Moreno, _Historia de la Santa

Iglesia Metropolitana de Filipinas hasta 1650_, Manila, 1877, p. 226,

states that Villanueva came in 1566, and died shortly after 1569. San

Antonio, I, p. 173, writes, "Another cleric was the Licentiate Don

Juan de Villanueva, of whom the only thing known is that he was a

churchman and lived but a short time--and that after the erection of

the church." This refers to the foundation of the church in Manila in

1571. Of the other Villanueva our information comes from Perez, p. 63.



[17] Alonso Fernandez, _Historia Eclesiastica de Nvestros Tiempos_,

Toledo, 1611, pp. 303-4. The book referred to here is called _De los

mysterios del Rosario de nuestra Senora_ by Jacques Quetif and Jacques

Echard, _Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum_, Paris, 1719, II, p. 390;

and _Devotion del Santisimo Rosario de la Bienaventurada Virgen_

by Vicente Maria Fontana, _Monvmenta Dominicana_, Rome, 1675, p. 586.



[18] Fernandez, _Historia de los insignes Milagros qve la Magestad

Diuina ha obrado por el Rosario santissimo de la Virgen soberana, su

Madre_, Madrid, 1613, f. 216. I have been unable to locate a copy of

this book in the United States, but the passage is printed in Retana,

_Aparato Bibliografico de la Historia General de Filipinas_, Madrid,

1906, I, pp. 64-5. It was first cited in modern times by Pedro Vindel,

_Catalogo_, Madrid, 1903, III, no. 2631.



[19] A sketch of the life of Aduarte was added to his history

by Goncalez, II, pp. 376-81, and a notice also appears in Ramon

Martinez-Vigil, _La Orden de Predicadores ... seguidas del Ensayo de

una Bibliotheca de Dominicos Espanoles_, Madrid, 1884, p. 229.



[20] Aduarte, II, pp. 15-18.



[21] Artigas, _op. cit._, pp. 3-22, stresses the part played by

him in establishing printing and gives much information regarding

this father. There, referring to the _Acta Capitulorum Provincialium

provinciae Sanctissimi Rosarii Philippinarum_, Manila, 1874-77, Artigas

traces the career of Blancas de San Jose as follows: in Abucay from

May 24, 1598 until April 27, 1602; at San Gabriel in Binondo from

April 27, 1602 until May 4, 1604; as Preacher-General of the order

at the Convent of Santo Domingo in Manila from 1604 to 1608; back

at Abucay from April 26, 1608 until May 8, 1610; and at San Gabriel

again from May 8, 1610 until May 4, 1614.



[22] Medina, no. 8, p. 7. A copy of this book and an unique copy of

the recently discovered _Ordinationes_ of 1604, see note 127, are

in the Library of Congress. Both books are entirely typographical,

and the Tagalog in the 1610 volume has been transliterated. These two

and the present Doctrina are, so far as I have been able to find out,

the only Philippine imprints before 1613 in the United States.



[23] Medina, no. 14, p. 11. The text was written by Thomas Pinpin,

who appears as the printer of the former book, and a confessionary

by Blancas de San Jose, who probably edited the volume, is included.



[24] Juan Lopez, _Quinta Parte de la Historia de San Domingo_,

Valladolid, 1621, ff. 246-51.



[25] Quetif and Echard, _op. cit._, II, p. 390. This same statement was

made in Antonio de Leon Pinelo, _Epitome de la Biblioteca Oriental y

Occidental, Nautica, y Geografica_ (ed. Antonio Gonzalez de Barcia),

Madrid, 1737-38, col. 737, and was reprinted almost word for word

by Jose Mariano Beristain y Sousa, _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americana

Septentrional_, Mexico, 1883-97, I, p. 177.



[26] A fairly complete biography is given by Vinaza, pp. 112-7,

where he points out that several of the major Jesuit biographers have

erroneously stated that Hervas went to America some time before 1767.



[27] Lorenzo Hervas y Panduro, _Origine, formazione, meccanismo,

ed armonia degli' idiomi_, Cesena, 1785, p. 88.



[28] Hervas, _Saggio Pratico delle lingue, Con prolegomeni, e

una raccolta di orazioni Dominicali in piu di trecento lingue,

e dialetti_, Cesena, 1787, pp. 128-9. Although Schilling, p. 208,

says that Hervas had a copy of the 1593 Doctrina before him, which

"had been lent or given" by Bernardo de la Fuente, Hervas merely says

that he took his information "from the best documents, which showed

the grammar; and the Tagalog and Visayan dictionary were given me by

Messrs. D. Antonio Tornos and D. Bernardo de la Fuente." There is no

doubt, however, but that Hervas had a copy of the Doctrina, or accurate

and extensive transcripts from a copy known to one of his friends.



[29] Franz Carl Alter, _Ueber die Tagalische Sprache_, Vienna,

1803, p. vii. Alter speaks of having had extensive correspondence

with Hervas.



[30] Johann Christoph Adelung, _Mithridates oder allgemeine

Sprachenkunde mit dem Vater Unser als Sprach probe in beynahe

fuenfhundert Sprachen und Mundarten_, Berlin, 1806, I, pp. 608-9.



[31] Beristain, _op. cit._, II, p. 464. The first edition was published

in 1819-21, but we have used the second for our quotations.



[32] Juan de Grijalva, _Cronica de la orden de N.P.S. Augustin de

Nueva Espana_, Mexico, 1624, f. 199v.



[33] Nicolas Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_, Madrid, 1783, I,

p. 764. The first edition was Rome, 1672, but I could locate no copy

in this country.



[34] San Agustin, p. 352. On pp. 443-4 referring to Grijalva and

Herrera, he says merely that Quinones "was very learned in the Tagalog

language, and wrote a grammar and dictionary of it."



[35] "He succeeded in learning that language with such perfection that

he composed a treatise, as a light and guide for the new missionaries,

and a vocabulary, with which in a short time they could instruct those

islanders in the mysteries of the faith," Medina, p. xxvii, assumed

that this referred to Jose Sicardo, _La Cristiandad del Japon_, Madrid,

1698, where he could find nothing about Quinones, but Beristain cited

specifically his _Historias de Filipinas y Japon_, which Santiago Vela,

VI, p. 441, thinks must be his additions to Grijalva, including a life

of Quinones, which San Agustin used and quoted from. The quotation

here is from San Agustin, p. 442, where Sicardo is given as the source.



[36] Tomas de Herrera, _Alphabetvm Avgvstinianvm_, Madrid, 1644, I,

p. 406, according to P. & G., p. xxiv.



[37] Schilling, p. 204.



[38] Pedro Bello, _Noticia de los escritores y sus obras impresas

y manuscritas en diferentes idiomas por los religiosos agustinos

calzados hasta 1801_, unpublished MS., from which the citation is

given by Santiago Vela, VI, p. 441.



[39] P. & G., pp. xxv-xxvi.



[40] Medina, p. xxviii, who gives as source the A. of I. and _Libro

de provisiones reales_, Madrid, 1596, I, p. 231. In his note Medina

says that this cedula was not in the _Recopilacion_, but referring

back to the note on p. xxiv, we find that he there prints a law of

the same content and date, cited as Law 3, Title XXIV, Book 1 of the

_Recopilacion_, where we have seen it, with the extremely significant

addition, "it shall not be published, _or printed_, or used." If

this phrase was not included in the original cedula sent to Manila,

but added when printed as applying to all the Indies, it is important

evidence that the King felt an admonition against printing unnecessary

where no facilities for printing existed.



[41] Retana, col. 10, cited from the original MS. in the A. of

I. (68-1-42), Torres, II, no. 3211, p. 150.



[42] San Antonio, II, p. 297. This work, treated at length by San

Antonio, is proof of the high esteem in which Plasencia was held as

a Tagalist. It was incorporated in a document of Governor Francisco

Tello, dated July 13, 1599, now in the A. of I. (67-6-18), and first

printed in the appendix to Santa Ines, II, pp. 592-603, and translated

in B. & R., VII, pp. 173-96.



[43] Santiago Vela, VI, pp. 442-3. His study of the questionable _Arte_

of 1581 is the most thorough and detailed yet written.



[44] Schilling, p. 205.



[45] Pardo de Tavera, _op. cit._, pp. 8-9. After quoting the latter

part of this passage, Medina, p. xviii, adds a quizzical note,

"I want to cite the opinion of so distinguished a student of

the Philippines because it shows how tangled and confused is the

information concerning the primitive Philippine press, even among

men best informed on the subject."



[46] Medina, nos. 1 and 2, p. [3].



[47] Medina, p. xix.



[48] Retana had published many of his findings in _La Politico de

Espana en Filipinas_, Madrid, 1891-98; in his edition of Joaquin

Martinez de Zuniga, _Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas_, Madrid, 1893;

and in the _Archivo del Bibliofilo Filipino_, Madrid, 1895-97.



[49] Retana, cols. 7-8. We shall speak of Juan de Vera later.



[50] Thomas Cooke Middleton, _Some Notes on the Bibliography of the

Philippines_, Philadelphia, 1900, pp. 32-33.



[51] Pardo de Tavera, _Biblioteca Filipina_, Washington, 1903,

pp. 9-10.



[52] Medina, _La Imprenta en Manila desde sus Origenes hasta 1810

Adiciones y Ampliacones_, Santiago de Chile, 1904.



[53] P. & G., pp. xxi-xxvi.



[54] B. & R., LIII, p. 11.



[55] Artigas, _op. cit._ He admitted that the celebration should have

been held in 1902.



[56] Retana, _Origenes de la Imprenta Filipina_, Madrid, 1911. Retana

had also published between 1897 and 1911 several other books which

contained some information about the early Philippine press, the

_Aparato Bibliografico_ in 1906 and his edition of Morga in 1909,

both of which have already been cited.



[57] Antonio Palau y Dulcet, _Manuel del Librero Hispano-Americano_,

Barcelona, 1923-37, III, p. 72.



[58] Schilling, _op. cit._



[59] Chirino, p. 3, writes that he was "the first who made converts

to Christianity in the Philippines, preaching to them of Jesus Christ

in their own tongue--of which he made the first vocabulary, which

I have seen and studied;" and Juan de Medina (who originally wrote

his history in 1630), p. 54, says that in visiting Cebu in 1612 he

"saw a lexicon there, compiled by Father Fray Martin de Rada, which

contained a great number of words." Grijalva, _op. cit._, f. 124V,

writes that Rada "by the force of his imaginative and excellent ability

learned the Visayan language, as he had learned the Otomi in this land

[Mexico], so that he could preach in it in five months."



[60] Perez, p. 5.



[61] Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza, _The Historie of the great and mightie

kingdom of China ... Translated out of Spanish by R. Parke_, London,

1588, p. 138. The original edition of 1585 said he made an "arte y

vocabulario." We must take the phrase "in few daies" in a comparative

sense, but that an Augustinian, probably Rada, knew some Chinese as

early as July 30, 1574 is shown by a letter from Governor Lavezaris

to the King from Manila, sending him "a map of the whole land of

China, with an explanation which I had some Chinese interpreters

make through the aid of an Augustinian religious who is acquainted

with the elements of the Chinese language," B. & R., III, p. 284,

from the original MS. in the A. of I. (67-6-6), Torres, II, no. 1868,

p. 10-11. Antonio de Leon Pinelo, _Epitome de la Biblioteca Oriental

i Occidental, Nautica i Geographica_, Madrid, 1629, p. 31, also

records Rada's Chinese grammar and dictionary. Santiago Vela, VI,

pp. 444-60, gives a full history of Rada and his writings. He went

to China a second time in May 1576, and in 1578 accompanied La Sande

on his expedition to Borneo, dying on the way back to Manila in June

of that year.



[62] Gonzalez de Mendoza, _op. cit._, pp. 103-5.



[63] Diego Ordonez Vivar came to the Philippines in 1570, filled

various ministries there, and according to Agustin Maria de Castro

was in Japan  in  1597,  where  he  witnessed the martyrdom of the

Franciscans; he died in 1603, Perez, p. 10. Juan de Medina, p. 74,

says, "Father Diego de Ordonez learned this language [Tagalog] very

quickly." Alonso Alvatado had been on the unsuccessful 1542 expedition

of Villalobos, and returned to the Philippines in 1571. Perez, p. 11,

records that he became familiar with the Tagalog language, was the

first prior of Tondo, ministered to the Chinese there, and was the

first Spaniard to learn the Mandarin dialect. He was elected provincial

in 1575, and died at Manila the following year. Jeronimo Marin came

to the islands with Alvarado, acquired skill in the Visayan, Tagalog

and Chinese languages, accompanied Rada on his first expedition to

China, was in Tondo in 1578, and later returned to Spain to recruit

new missionaries for the province, dying in Mexico in 1606, Perez,

pp. 11-12.



[64] Cano, p. 12. Santiago Vela, I, p. 85, expresses the opinion that

Cano's statement was an overenthusiasm, and is not valid.



[65] Retana, col. 9.



[66] Juan de Medina, p. 156.



[67] Santiago Vela, I, p. 85, where he cites the first book of the

_Gobierno_ of the Augustinian province.



[68] Santiago Vela, I, pp. 84-6 treats of the whole question in detail.



[69] A Doctrina in Tagalog, attributed to Alburquerque by Agustin

Maria de Castro in his unpublished _Osario_, is said by Santiago Vela,

I, p. 85, to have been arranged and perfected by Quinones, and was

probably that presented by him to the Synod of 1582, if indeed he

did present such a work then. For an account of the MS. _Osario_,

see Schilling, p. 205n.



[70] Perez, p. 20n, quotes Vicente Barrantes, _El teatro tagalo_,

Madrid, 1890, p. 170, as saying that "according to the Augustinian

writers" Alburquerque compiled an _Arte de la Lengua Tagala_ between

1570 and 1580, the manuscript of which disappeared when the English

sacked Manila in 1762. It may be that Barrantes referred to Cano

or possibly Castro, but it must be emphasized that no contemporary

historian, as far as has been discovered up to this time, has made

such a statement.



[71] Quinones came to the Philippines in 1577 and spent his time in

missions in and about Manila. He was named prior of Manila in 1586,

and provincial vicar in 1587 in which year he died, Perez, p. 19,

and Santiago Vela, VI, pp. 433-4.



[72] Again Castro, as cited by Santiago Vela, VI, p. 435, is the only

authority for this, although San Agustin, p. 391, lists Quinones'

name among those present at the Synod.



[73] San Agustin, p. 381. It should be noted that this statement is

in direct contradiction to those we shall cite later in connection

with the controversy between the Augustinians and Dominicans over

the Chinese ministry. The convent at Tondo had been founded in 1571,

so San Agustin here must refer specifically to the Chinese mission.



[74] Perez, p. 22.



[75] Perez, p. 29.



[76] Huerta, pp. 443 & 500-01. In 1580, under the influence

of Plasencia, Talavera took the habit of the Franciscan order and

preached throughout the Philippines until his death in 1616. Huerta

lists six works in Tagalog by him, all of them devotionary tracts,

the last of which he notes was printed at Manila in 1617, and is

listed by Medina, no. 20, pp. 14-5. His works are also recorded by

Leon Pinelo, _op. cit._, 1737-38, II, f. 919r.



[77] Santa Ines (written originally in 1676), p. 211. Virtually the

same information is given by San Antonio, I, pp. 532-3 & 563.



[78] Juan de la Concepcion, _Historia general de Philipinas_, Manila,

1788-92, II, pp. 45-6. Schilling, p. 203n, maintains that the early

writers were mistaken in believing that the Synod was held in 1581. On

October 16, 1581 the Bishop called a meeting of ten priests at the

Convent of Tondo to discuss the execution of the decree about slaves,

Torres, II, pp. cxliv-v. No laymen were present and no other topic was

discussed. The decisions of this meeting were sent in a letter from

Salazar to the King, dated from Tondo, October 17, 1581, translated

in B. & R., XXXIV, pp. 325-31, from the original MS. in the A. of

I. (68-1-42), Torres, II, no. 2686, p. 95. The following year a real

Synod was held, this time including lay government officials as well

as priests, at which was discussed a variety of subjects. Robert

Streit, _Bibliotheca Missionum_, Aachen, 1928, IV, pp. 327-31, cites

a MS. account of it by the Jesuit father Sanchez who was present; and

Valentin Marin, _Ensayo de una Sintesis de los trabajos realizados

por las Corporaciones Religiosas Espanoles de Filipinas_, Manila,

1901, I, pp. 192 et seqq., cites another MS., then in the Archives

of the Archiepiscopal Palace of Manila, _Memoria de una junta que

se hizo a manera de concilio el ano de 1582, para dar asiento a las

cosas tocantes al aumento de la fe, y justificacion de las conquistas

hechas y que adelante se hicieron por los espanoles_, from which he

quotes extensively. With reference to the Synod see further Lorenzo

Perez, _Origen de las Misiones Franciscanas en el extremo oriente_,

in Archivo Ibero-Americano, 1915, III, pp. 386-400.



[79] Santa Ines, p. 212. Again similar accounts are to be found in

San Antonio, I, pp. 563-6, in far more detail and phrased in even

more laudatory terms, and the fullest early biography of Plasencia

is given by San Antonio, II, pp. 512-79. Modern surveys appear in

Marin, _op. cit._, II, pp. 573-82, and Lorenzo Perez, _op. cit._,

pp. 378 et seqq.



[80] Chirino, _Primera parte_, quoted by Retana, col. 24, implied that

Quinones and Plasencia wrote at about the same time: "The first who

wrote in these languages were, in Visayan, P. Fr. Martin de Rada, and

in Tagalog, Fr. Juan de Quinones, both of the Order of St. Augustine,

and at the same time Fr. Juan de Oliver and Fr. Juan de Plasencia

of the Order of St. Francis, of whom the latter began first, but the

former [wrote] many more things and very useful ones." However, San

Antonio, I, p. 532, wrote perhaps with bias in favor of his own order,

"Although the Augustinian fathers had come earlier and did not lack

priests fluent in the idiom, the language had not yet been reduced to

a grammar, so that it could be learned by common grammatical rules,

nor was there a general vocabulary of speech; except that each one

had his own notes, to make himself understood, and everything was

unsystematized."



[81] _Entrada de la seraphica Religion de nuestro P. S. Francisco

en las Islas Philipinas_, MS. of 1649, first published in Retana,

_Archivo_, I, no. III, translated in B. & R., XXXV, p. 311.



[82] Medina, p. 15, quoting from Martinez whom we are unable to trace.



[83] Huerta, pp. 492-3. Oliver died in 1599. San Antonio, II, p. 531,

says that Plasencia was the first to write a catechism (called

in Tagalog "Tocsohan"), and Oliver was the first to translate the

explanation of the Doctrina. Oliver's works are noted by Leon Pinelo,

_op. cit._, 1737-38, II, col. 730, and Barrantes, _op. cit._, p. 187.



[84] Sebastian de Totanes, _Arte de la Lengua Tagala_, Manila, 1850,

p. v, (first edition printed in 1745) says of Oliver that "up to

the present day our province reveres him as the first master of

this idiom."



[85] See note 42.



[86] Huerta, p. 517. Nothing is known of Diego de la Asuncion

except that he wrote five works in Tagalog including an _Arte_ and

_Diccionario_. Huerta was unable to find any record of him in the

mission lists, the capitularies or the death records, but that he was

in the Philippines before 1649 we can be sure of from the notice of

him in the manuscript of that date.



[87] Huerta, p. 495. Montes y Escamilla came to the islands in 1583

and remained there until his death in 1610. Five works in Tagalog

are attributed to him, an _Arte_, _Diccionario_, _Confesionario_,

_Devocional tagalog_, and a _Guia de Pecadores_. The _Devocional_

is listed by Medina, no. 16, p. 12.



[88] Pablo Rojo, _Fr. Juan de Plasencia_, _Escritor_, Appendix 3 of

Santa Ines, II, p. 590. An early reference by Fernandez, _Historia

Eclesiastica_, p. 300, speaking of the Franciscan missionary successes

among the natives, says, "They learned the Doctrina Christiana which

the priests translated into Tagalog."



[89] Rojo, in Santa Ines, II, pp. 590-1, says that the Doctrina

then being used among the Tagalogs was the same as that written by

Plasencia except for modernization in accordance with the changes

which had taken place in the language since his time.



[90] Medina, no. 15, p. 11.



[91] Chirino, p. 14.



[92] Colin, II, p. 325.



[93] Chirino, p. 27.



[94] Chirino, chaps. XV-XVII, pp. 34-41.



[95] On May 13, 1579, Philip II wrote to the Governor of the

Philippines, "Fray Domingo de Salazar, of the Dominican order, and

bishop of the said islands, has reported to us that he is going to

reside in these islands; and that he will take with him religious of

his order to found monasteries, and to take charge of the conversion

and instruction of the natives," B. & R., IV, p. 141, translated

from the original MS. in the Archivo-Historico Nacional, _Cedulario

indico_, t. 31, f. 132V, no. 135. Twelve of the twenty who set out

from Europe with Salazar died before reaching Mexico, and the others

were so sick that all but one remained there, so when Salazar landed

at Manila in March 1581 he was accompanied by twenty Augustinians,

eight Franciscans, and only one Dominican, Christoval de Salvatierra.



[96] For these and other general facts I have used Aduarte and

Remesal where they are supported by the other historians, Juan de

la Concepcion, San Antonio, San Agustin, Juan de Medina and Santa

Ines. It should be noted that Remesal acknowledged as his source for

much of the material on the Philippines the unpublished MS. history

of the Franciscan, Francisco de Montilla. The fifteen Dominicans were

Juan de Castro, Alonso Ximenez, Miguel de Benavides, Pedro Bolanos,

Bernardo Navarro, Diego de Soria, Juan de Castro the younger, Marcos

Soria de San Antonio, Juan de San Pedro Martyr (or Maldonado), Juan

Ormaza de Santo Tomas, Pedro de Soto, Juan de la Cruz, Gregorio de

Ochoa, Domingo de Nieva, and Pedro Rodriguez.



[97] By a bull of October 20, 1582 Pope Gregory XIII confirmed the

appointment already obtained from Pablo Constable de Ferrara, General

of the Dominican Order, making Juan Chrisostomo vicar-general of the

Philippine Islands and China, and giving him authority to establish

a province there, B. & R., V, pp. 199--200, translated from Hernaez,

_Coleccion de bulas_, Brussels, 1879, I, p. 527, where it is printed

from the original MS. in the Vatican, Bular. Dom., t. 15, p. 412.



[98] In 1580 the Dominicans of Mexico had begun plans for

the establishment of a province in the Orient, and sent Juan

Chrisostomo to Europe to obtain the necessary permission from lay

and ecclesiastical authorities. The Jesuit Alonso Sanchez, who had

been sent to Spain to explain the situation in the Philippines,

was at court, and told the King and Council of the Indies--quite

subverting his mission--that there was no need for more priests

and particularly no need for a new order there. Chrisostomo was

discouraged, but the scheme was revivified by Juan de Castro who

finally secured a letter from Philip II on September 20, 1585 endorsing

the plan. Twenty-two volunteers sailed from Spain on July 17, 1586. In

Mexico the Dominicans again found Sanchez propagandizing against the

mission and also encountered the efforts of the Viceroy to persuade

the friars to remain there. Notwithstanding, twenty friars subscribed

to a set of ordinances at the Convent of Santo Domingo in Mexico on

December 17, 1586. Of the twenty, fifteen went to the Philippines,

three went directly to China, and Juan Chrisostomo, who was ill and

weak, and Juan Cobo, who had business there, stayed behind in Mexico.



[99] Aduarte, I, p. 9.



[100] Aduarte, I, p. 70.



[101] Juan Cobo had stayed behind in Mexico on business, and during

his stay had been so moved by the scandals of the government there

that he preached publicly against them, as a result of which he

was banished by the Viceroy. He brought with him from Mexico a

fellow-reformer and exile, Luis Gandullo, and four other recruits

for the Philippine mission.



[102] These are printed in the _Ordinationes_ of 1604, see note 127,

and by Remesal, pp. 677--8, who says that "these ordinances were

printed in as fine characters and as correctly as if in Rome or Lyon,

by Francisco de Vera, a Chinese Christian, in the town of Binondo in

the year 1604 through the diligence of Fr. Miguel Martin."



[103] Sangley, a term used by the natives to designate Chinese,

was derived from the Cantonese _hiang_ (or _xiang_) and _ley_

meaning a "travelling merchant." It was adopted by the Spaniards

and in most instances used interchangeably with Chinese. If any

distinction existed it was that a Sangley was a permanent resident

of the Philippines--quite contrary to the derivation of the word--or

a Chinese of partially native blood. See San Agustin, p. 253.



[104] Particularly the Memorial to the Council of the Indies sent with

Sanchez, April 20, 1586, translated in B. & R., VI, pp. 167-8, from the

original MS. in the A. of I. (1-1-2/24), Torres, II, no. 3289, p. 159.



[105] B. & R., VII, pp. 130-1, translated from the original MS. in

the A. of I. (67-6-18), Torres, III, no. 3556, pp. 15-6. See the

statement of San Agustin quoted on p. 22, which gives the irreconciled

Augustinian view. Most of the contemporary witnesses, however, seem

to agree with the Dominicans.



[106] B. & R., VII, pp. 220-3, translated from Retana, _Archivo_,

III, pp. 47-80, and there printed from the original MS. in the A. of

I. (68-1-32), Torres, III, no. 3698, p. 32.



[107] Remesal, pp. 681-2.



[108] B. & R., VII, pp. 223-5, as in note 106.



[109] Martinez-Vigil, _op. cit._, p. 246, lists as written by

Benavides a _Vocabularium sinense facillimum_, and Vinaza, p. 17,

cites his entry.



[110] Schilling, p. 210, says that in his letter Cobo himself

recorded that "Benavides wrote the first Chinese catechism in the

Philippines." He does not however differentiate between writing in

Chinese characters and writing transliterated Chinese, and moreover

"hizo doctrina" may only mean that he taught the doctrine, not

necessarily that he wrote one.



[111] B. & R., VII, p. 238, as in note 106.



[112] Aduarte, I, p. 140.



[113] Aduarte, I, p. 140, says, before the previously quoted passage,

that Cobo "put the Doctrina Christiana in the Chinese language,"

and Vinaza, pp. 17-23, lists seven books by him, including the famous

translation of the Chinese classic, _Beng-Sim-Po-Cam_, the original

MS. of which, with an introductory epistle by Benavides, dated from

Madrid, December 23, 1595, is in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid; an

_Arte de las letras chinas_; _Vocabulario chino_; _Catecismo o doctrina

christiana en chino_; (cited from Leon Pinelo, _op. cit._, 1737-38, I,

col. 142); _Tratado de astronomia en chino_; _Linguae sinica ad certam

revocata methodum_ (called by Martinez-Vigil, _op. cit._, p. 263, "the

first works or work on the Chinese language"); and _Sententiae plures_,

excerpted from various Chinese  books. See also Beristain, _op. cit._,

I, p. 316, and Quetif and Echard, _op. cit._, II,  pp. 306-7.



[114] Aduarte, I, p. 122.



[115] Fernandez, _Historia Eclesiastica_, p. 304, "In the Chinese

language and letters, P. Fr. Domingo de Nieva, of San Pablo of

Valladolid, printed a memorial of the Christian life; and P. Fray

Tomas Mayor, of the province of Aragon, from the Convent and College

of Orihuela, the Symbol of Faith." In his _Historia de los Insignes

Milagros_, f. 217, Fernandez states that both these works were printed

at Bataan. Since Mayor did not arrive in the islands until 1602 his

work is not pertinent to the present discussion. Mayor's book was seen

but inadequately described by Jose Rodriguez, _Biblioteca Valentina_,

1747, p. 406, from a copy then in the Library of the Dominican Convent

at Valencia, but now lost. Medina records it under the year 1607,

no. 6, p. 6. See also Leon Pinelo, _op. cit._, 1737--38, II, f. 919r,

and Antonio, _op. cit._, I, p. 330.



[116] Aduarte, I, p. 342.



[117] Medina, nos. 399-402, pp. 261-2.



[118] Aduarte, I, pp. 255-8. San Pedro Martyr moved back and forth a

good deal. The first year in the Philippines he was with Benavides at

Baybay; the second year he was in Pangasinan. In 1590 he was ordered

to the Chinese mission in Cobo's place by Castro before he left for

China. When Castro got back and Cobo could resume his old station,

San Pedro Martyr went to the vicariate of Bataan "the language of

which he learned very well," and when Cobo left for Japan in 1592,

San Pedro Martyr went back to San Gabriel.



[119] Aduarte, I, p. 323.



[120] Remesal, p. 683.



[121] See Hermann Huelle, _Ueber den alten chinesischen Typendruck und

seine Entzvicklung in den Laendern des Fernen Ostens_, N.P., 1923;

Thomas Francis Carter, _The Invention of Printing in China and its

Spread Westward_, New York, 1925; and Cyrus H. Peake, _The origin and

development of printing in China in the light of recent research_,

in the Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 1935, X, pp. 9-17.



[122] B. & R., VII, pp. 226, as in note 106.



[123] Aduarte, II, pp. 15-18.



[124] Medina, p. xix, supposed that the Doctrina was printed in

the Hospital of San Gabriel in Minondoc, but Aduarte, I, p. 107,

says that when the village of Baybay became overcrowded, it became

necessary to spread the Chinese Christian settlement to a new site

directly across the river, where land was given them by Don Luis

Perez Dasmarinas, the son and successor of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas,

and there a second church of San Gabriel was built. According to an

inscription on a painting of Don Luis, exhibited at the St. Louis

Fair of 1904 and illustrated in B. & R., XXX, p. 228, he bought the

land from Don Antonio Velada on March 28, 1594, so that San Gabriel

of Minondoc could not have been the place where the 1593 volumes were

printed. Marin, _op. cit._, II, p. 617, says that San Gabriel was

moved several years after its foundation to Binondo at the request

of the city, and was rebuilt twice. It is apparent that San Gabriel

in the Parian was abandoned after the church in Binondo was built.



[125] Juan de Vera was probably a comparatively common name at this

time, because upon baptism the natives and Chinese assumed any Spanish

name they pleased, and since Santiago de Vera was governor from 1584 to

1590, his last name would have been very popular. Aduarte, I, p. 86,

mentions an Indian chief, Don Juan de Vera, who helped the Dominicans

in Pangasinan, and Retana, col. 23, quotes from a document sent by

the Audiencia of the Philippines to the King, August 11, 1620, the

appointments as official interpreters of one Juan de Vera on June 15,

1598, and the same or another Juan de Vera on October 9, 1613.



[126] Aduarte, I, p. 108.



[127] The title-page of this unique book is as follows: [row of

type ornaments] / _Ordinationes Generales_ / prouinciae Sanctissimi

Rosarij / [type ornament] Philippinarum. [type ornament] / Factae per

admodum Reuerendum patrem fratrem / Ioanem de Castro, primum vicarium

generalem e- / iusdem prouintiae. De consilio, & vnanimi con / sensu

omnium frattu, qui primit_9_ in pro / uintiam illam se contulerunt,

euan / gelizandi gratia./ Sunt que semper vsque in hodiernum diem in

om- / nibus eiusdem prouintiae capitulis infalibiliter / acceptatae,

inuiolabiliter ab omnibus / fratribus obseruandae. / Binondoc, per

Ioannem de Vera china / Christianum. Cum licentia. 1604. / [row of

type ornaments]. The volume, an octavo bound in maroon levant morocco

by Sangorski and Sutcliffe, consists of eight leaves, as follows:

title-page as above, on the verso the permission signed at Manila,

June 24, 1604, by Fr. Miguel Martin de San Jacinto, prior provincial of

the Dominican Province of the Philippines; the text of the ordinances

in Latin on eleven pages, with the device of the Dominican order on

the verso of the last page; blank.



[128] See note 102.



[129] Medina, _Adiciones y Ampliacixones_, p. [5].



[130] Retana, cols. 77-8, where he gives as his source Hilario Ocio,

_Resena biografica de los religiosos de la provincia del Santisimo

Rosario de Filipinas_, Manila, 1891, I, p. 63. Ocio did not cite

Remesal as his source, but the information, including the printer's

name as Francisco de Vera, is the same.



[131] Both title-pages are reproduced in Francisco Vindel, _Manual

Graphico-Descriptivo del Bibliofilo Hispano-Americano_, Madrid,

1930--34, IX, p. 22, and VII, p. 181 respectively.