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[Transcriber's Note: This pamphlet was first published in 1892 but was

subsequently reprinted. It's not apparent if the curiosities in spelling

date back to the original or were introduced later; they have been

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Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases



1892, 1893, 1894



By Ida B. Wells-Barnett









PREFACE





The greater part of what is contained in these pages was published in the

_New York Age_ June 25, 1892, in explanation of the editorial which the

Memphis whites considered sufficiently infamous to justify the destruction

of my paper, the _Free Speech_.



Since the appearance of that statement, requests have come from all parts

of the country that "Exiled" (the name under which it then appeared) be

issued in pamphlet form. Some donations were made, but not enough for that

purpose. The noble effort of the ladies of New York and Brooklyn Oct. 5

have enabled me to comply with this request and give the world a true,

unvarnished account of the causes of lynch law in the South.



This statement is not a shield for the despoiler of virtue, nor altogether

a defense for the poor blind Afro-American Sampsons who suffer themselves

to be betrayed by white Delilahs. It is a contribution to truth, an array

of facts, the perusal of which it is hoped will stimulate this great

American Republic to demand that justice be done though the heavens fall.



It is with no pleasure I have dipped my hands in the corruption here

exposed. Somebody must show that the Afro-American race is more sinned

against than sinning, and it seems to have fallen upon me to do so. The

awful death-roll that Judge Lynch is calling every week is appalling, not

only because of the lives it takes, the rank cruelty and outrage to the

victims, but because of the prejudice it fosters and the stain it places

against the good name of a weak race.



The Afro-American is not a bestial race. If this work can contribute in

any way toward proving this, and at the same time arouse the conscience of

the American people to a demand for justice to every citizen, and

punishment by law for the lawless, I shall feel I have done my race a

service. Other considerations are of minor importance.



IDA B. WELLS

_New York City_, Oct. 26, 1892









To the Afro-American women of New York and Brooklyn, whose race love,

earnest zeal and unselfish effort at Lyric Hall, in the City of New York,

on the night of October 5, 1892--made possible its publication, this

pamphlet is gratefully dedicated by the author.









HON. FRED. DOUGLASS'S LETTER





_Dear Miss Wells:_



Let me give you thanks for your faithful paper on the lynch abomination

now generally practiced against colored people in the South. There has

been no word equal to it in convincing power. I have spoken, but my word

is feeble in comparison. You give us what you know and testify from actual

knowledge. You have dealt with the facts with cool, painstaking fidelity

and left those naked and uncontradicted facts to speak for themselves.



Brave woman! you have done your people and mine a service which can

neither be weighed nor measured. If American conscience were only half

alive, if the American church and clergy were only half christianized, if

American moral sensibility were not hardened by persistent infliction of

outrage and crime against colored people, a scream of horror, shame and

indignation would rise to Heaven wherever your pamphlet shall be read.



But alas! even crime has power to reproduce itself and create conditions

favorable to its own existence. It sometimes seems we are deserted by

earth and Heaven yet we must still think, speak and work, and trust in the

power of a merciful God for final deliverance.



Very truly and gratefully yours,

FREDERICK DOUGLASS

_Cedar Hill, Anacostia, D.C._, Oct. 25, 1892









1 _The_ OFFENSE





Wednesday evening May 24, 1892, the city of Memphis was filled with

excitement. Editorials in the daily papers of that date caused a meeting

to be held in the Cotton Exchange Building; a committee was sent for the

editors of the _Free Speech_ an Afro-American journal published in that

city, and the only reason the open threats of lynching that were made were

not carried out was because they could not be found. The cause of all this

commotion was the following editorial published in the _Free Speech_ May

21, 1892, the Saturday previous.



  Eight negroes lynched since last issue of the _Free Speech_ one at

  Little Rock, Ark., last Saturday morning where the citizens broke(?)

  into the penitentiary and got their man; three near Anniston, Ala., one

  near New Orleans; and three at Clarksville, Ga., the last three for

  killing a white man, and five on the same old racket--the new alarm

  about raping white women. The same programme of hanging, then shooting

  bullets into the lifeless bodies was carried out to the letter.



  Nobody in this section of the country believes the old thread-bare lie

  that Negro men rape white women. If Southern white men are not careful,

  they will overreach themselves and public sentiment will have a

  reaction; a conclusion will then be reached which will be very damaging

  to the moral reputation of their women.



The _Daily Commercial_ of Wednesday following, May 25, contained the

following leader:



  Those negroes who are attempting to make the lynching of individuals of

  their race a means for arousing the worst passions of their kind are

  playing with a dangerous sentiment. The negroes may as well understand

  that there is no mercy for the negro rapist and little patience with his

  defenders. A negro organ printed in this city, in a recent issue

  publishes the following atrocious paragraph: "Nobody in this section of

  the country believes the old thread-bare lie that negro men rape white

  women. If Southern white men are not careful they will overreach

  themselves, and public sentiment will have a reaction; and a conclusion

  will be reached which will be very damaging to the moral reputation of

  their women."



  The fact that a black scoundrel is allowed to live and utter such

  loathsome and repulsive calumnies is a volume of evidence as to the

  wonderful patience of Southern whites. But we have had enough of it.



  There are some things that the Southern white man will not tolerate, and

  the obscene intimations of the foregoing have brought the writer to the

  very outermost limit of public patience. We hope we have said enough.



The _Evening Scimitar_ of same date, copied the _Commercial_'s editorial

with these words of comment:



  Patience under such circumstances is not a virtue. If the negroes

  themselves do not apply the remedy without delay it will be the duty of

  those whom he has attacked to tie the wretch who utters these calumnies

  to a stake at the intersection of Main and Madison Sts., brand him in

  the forehead with a hot iron and perform upon him a surgical operation

  with a pair of tailor's shears.



Acting upon this advice, the leading citizens met in the Cotton Exchange

Building the same evening, and threats of lynching were freely indulged,

not by the lawless element upon which the deviltry of the South is usually

saddled--but by the leading business men, in their leading business

centre. Mr. Fleming, the business manager and owning a half interest the

_Free Speech_, had to leave town to escape the mob, and was afterwards

ordered not to return; letters and telegrams sent me in New York where I

was spending my vacation advised me that bodily harm awaited my return.

Creditors took possession of the office and sold the outfit, and the _Free

Speech_ was as if it had never been.



The editorial in question was prompted by the many inhuman and fiendish

lynchings of Afro-Americans which have recently taken place and was meant

as a warning. Eight lynched in one week and five of them charged with

rape! The thinking public will not easily believe freedom and education

more brutalizing than slavery, and the world knows that the crime of rape

was unknown during four years of civil war, when the white women of the

South were at the mercy of the race which is all at once charged with

being a bestial one.



Since my business has been destroyed and I am an exile from home because

of that editorial, the issue has been forced, and as the writer of it I

feel that the race and the public generally should have a statement of the

facts as they exist. They will serve at the same time as a defense for the

Afro-Americans Sampsons who suffer themselves to be betrayed by white

Delilahs.



The whites of Montgomery, Ala., knew J.C. Duke sounded the keynote of the

situation--which they would gladly hide from the world, when he said in

his paper, the _Herald_, five years ago: "Why is it that white women

attract negro men now more than in former days? There was a time when such

a thing was unheard of. There is a secret to this thing, and we greatly

suspect it is the growing appreciation of white Juliets for colored

Romeos." Mr. Duke, like the _Free Speech_ proprietors, was forced to leave

the city for reflecting on the "honah" of white women and his paper

suppressed; but the truth remains that Afro-American men do not always

rape(?) white women without their consent.



Mr. Duke, before leaving Montgomery, signed a card disclaiming any

intention of slandering Southern white women. The editor of the _Free

Speech_ has no disclaimer to enter, but asserts instead that there are

many white women in the South who would marry colored men if such an act

would not place them at once beyond the pale of society and within the

clutches of the law. The miscegnation laws of the South only operate

against the legitimate union of the races; they leave the white man free

to seduce all the colored girls he can, but it is death to the colored man

who yields to the force and advances of a similar attraction in white

women. White men lynch the offending Afro-American, not because he is a

despoiler of virtue, but because he succumbs to the smiles of white women.









2



_The_ BLACK _and_ WHITE _of_ IT





The _Cleveland Gazette_ of January 16, 1892, publishes a case in point.

Mrs. J.S. Underwood, the wife of a minister of Elyria, Ohio, accused an

Afro-American of rape. She told her husband that during his absence in

1888, stumping the State for the Prohibition Party, the man came to the

kitchen door, forced his way in the house and insulted her. She tried to

drive him out with a heavy poker, but he overpowered and chloroformed her,

and when she revived her clothing was torn and she was in a horrible

condition. She did not know the man but could identify him. She pointed

out William Offett, a married man, who was arrested and, being in Ohio,

was granted a trial.



The prisoner vehemently denied the charge of rape, but confessed he went

to Mrs. Underwood's residence at her invitation and was criminally

intimate with her at her request. This availed him nothing against the

sworn testimony of a ministers wife, a lady of the highest respectability.

He was found guilty, and entered the penitentiary, December 14, 1888, for

fifteen years. Some time afterwards the woman's remorse led her to confess

to her husband that the man was innocent.



These are her words:



  I met Offett at the Post Office. It was raining. He was polite to me,

  and as I had several bundles in my arms he offered to carry them home

  for me, which he did. He had a strange fascination for me, and I invited

  him to call on me. He called, bringing chestnuts and candy for the

  children. By this means we got them to leave us alone in the room. Then

  I sat on his lap. He made a proposal to me and I readily consented. Why

  I did so, I do not know, but that I did is true. He visited me several

  times after that and each time I was indiscreet. I did not care after

  the first time. In fact I could not have resisted, and had no desire to

  resist.



When asked by her husband why she told him she had been outraged, she

said: "I had several reasons for telling you. One was the neighbors saw

the fellows here, another was, I was afraid I had contracted a loathsome

disease, and still another was that I feared I might give birth to a Negro

baby. I hoped to save my reputation by telling you a deliberate lie." Her

husband horrified by the confession had Offett, who had already served

four years, released and secured a divorce.



There are thousands of such cases throughout the South, with the

difference that the Southern white men in insatiate fury wreak their

vengeance without intervention of law upon the Afro-Americans who consort

with their women. A few instances to substantiate the assertion that some

white women love the company of the Afro-American will not be out of

place. Most of these cases were reported by the daily papers of the South.



In the winter of 1885-86 the wife of a practicing physician in Memphis, in

good social standing whose name has escaped me, left home, husband and

children, and ran away with her black coachman. She was with him a month

before her husband found and brought her home. The coachman could not be

found. The doctor moved his family away from Memphis, and is living in

another city under an assumed name.



In the same city last year a white girl in the dusk of evening screamed at

the approach of some parties that a Negro had assaulted her on the street.

He was captured, tried by a white judge and jury, that acquitted him of

the charge. It is needless to add if there had been a scrap of evidence on

which to convict him of so grave a charge he would have been convicted.



Sarah Clark of Memphis loved a black man and lived openly with him. When

she was indicted last spring for miscegenation, she swore in court that

she was _not_ a white woman. This she did to escape the penitentiary and

continued her illicit relation undisturbed. That she is of the lower class

of whites, does not disturb the fact that she is a white woman. "The

leading citizens" of Memphis are defending the "honor" of _all_ white

women, _demi-monde_ included.



Since the manager of the _Free Speech_ has been run away from Memphis by

the guardians of the honor of Southern white women, a young girl living on

Poplar St., who was discovered in intimate relations with a handsome

mulatto young colored man, Will Morgan by name, stole her father's money

to send the young fellow away from that father's wrath. She has since

joined him in Chicago.



The _Memphis Ledger_ for June 8 has the following:



  If Lillie Bailey, a rather pretty white girl seventeen years of age, who

  is now at the City Hospital, would be somewhat less reserved about her

  disgrace there would be some very nauseating details in the story of her

  life. She is the mother of a little coon. The truth might reveal fearful

  depravity or it might reveal the evidence of a rank outrage. She will

  not divulge the name of the man who has left such black evidence of her

  disgrace, and, in fact, says it is a matter in which there can be no

  interest to the outside world. She came to Memphis nearly three months

  ago and was taken in at the Woman's Refuge in the southern part of the

  city. She remained there until a few weeks ago, when the child was born.

  The ladies in charge of the Refuge were horified. The girl was at once

  sent to the City Hospital, where she has been since May 30. She is a

  country girl. She came to Memphis from her fathers farm, a short

  distance from Hernando, Miss. Just when she left there she would not

  say. In fact she says she came to Memphis from Arkansas, and says her

  home is in that State. She is rather good looking, has blue eyes, a low

  forehead and dark red hair. The ladies at the Woman's Refuge do not know

  anything about the girl further than what they learned when she was an

  inmate of the institution; and she would not tell much. When the child

  was born an attempt was made to get the girl to reveal the name of the

  Negro who had disgraced her, she obstinately refused and it was

  impossible to elicit any information from her on the subject.



Note the wording. "The truth might reveal fearful depravity or rank

outrage." If it had been a white child or Lillie Bailey had told a pitiful

story of Negro outrage, it would have been a case of woman's weakness or

assault and she could have remained at the Woman's Refuge. But a Negro

child and to withhold its father's name and thus prevent the killing of

another Negro "rapist." A case of "fearful depravity."



The very week the "leading citizens" of Memphis were making a spectacle of

themselves in defense of all white women of every kind, an Afro-American,

M. Stricklin, was found in a white woman's room in that city. Although

she made no outcry of rape, he was jailed and would have been lynched, but

the woman stated she bought curtains of him (he was a furniture dealer)

and his business in her room that night was to put them up. A white

woman's word was taken as absolutely in this case as when the cry of rape

is made, and he was freed.



What is true of Memphis is true of the entire South. The daily papers last

year reported a farmer's wife in Alabama had given birth to a Negro child.

When the Negro farm hand who was plowing in the field heard it he took the

mule from the plow and fled. The dispatches also told of a woman in South

Carolina who gave birth to a Negro child and charged three men with being

its father, _every one of whom has since disappeared_. In Tuscumbia, Ala.,

the colored boy who was lynched there last year for assaulting a white

girl told her before his accusers that he had met her there in the woods

often before.



Frank Weems of Chattanooga who was not lynched in May only because the

prominent citizens became his body guard until the doors of the

penitentiary closed on him, had letters in his pocket from the white woman

in the case, making the appointment with him. Edward Coy who was burned

alive in Texarkana, January 1, 1892, died protesting his innocence.

Investigation since as given by the Bystander in the _Chicago Inter

Ocean_, October 1, proves:



  1. The woman who was paraded as a victim of violence was of bad

  character; her husband was a drunkard and a gambler.



  2. She was publicly reported and generally known to have been criminally

  intimate with Coy for more than a year previous.



  3. She was compelled by threats, if not by violence, to make the charge

  against the victim.



  4. When she came to apply the match Coy asked her if she would burn him

  after they had "been sweethearting" so long.



  5. A large majority of the "superior" white men prominent in the affair

  are the reputed fathers of mulatto children.



  These are not pleasant facts, but they are illustrative of the vital

  phase of the so-called race question, which should properly be

  designated an earnest inquiry as to the best methods by which religion,

  science, law and political power may be employed to excuse injustice,

  barbarity and crime done to a people because of race and color. There

  can be no possible belief that these people were inspired by any

  consuming zeal to vindicate God's law against miscegnationists of the

  most practical sort. The woman was a willing partner in the victim's

  guilt, and being of the "superior" race must naturally have been more

  guilty.



In Natchez, Miss., Mrs. Marshall, one of the _creme de la creme_ of the

city, created a tremendous sensation several years ago. She has a black

coachman who was married, and had been in her employ several years. During

this time she gave birth to a child whose color was remarked, but traced

to some brunette ancestor, and one of the fashionable dames of the city

was its godmother. Mrs. Marshall's social position was unquestioned, and

wealth showered every dainty on this child which was idolized with its

brothers and sisters by its white papa. In course of time another child

appeared on the scene, but it was unmistakably dark. All were alarmed, and

"rush of blood, strangulation" were the conjectures, but the doctor, when

asked the cause, grimly told them it was a Negro child. There was a family

conclave, the coachman heard of it and leaving his own family went West,

and has never returned. As soon as Mrs. Marshall was able to travel she

was sent away in deep disgrace. Her husband died within the year of a

broken heart.



Ebenzer Fowler, the wealthiest colored man in Issaquena County, Miss., was

shot down on the street in Mayersville, January 30, 1885, just before dark

by an armed body of white men who filled his body with bullets. They

charged him with writing a note to a white woman of the place, which they

intercepted and which proved there was an intimacy existing between them.



Hundreds of such cases might be cited, but enough have been given to prove

the assertion that there are white women in the South who love the

Afro-American's company even as there are white men notorious for their

preference for Afro-American women.



There is hardly a town in the South which has not an instance of the kind

which is well known, and hence the assertion is reiterated that "nobody in

the South believes the old thread bare lie that negro men rape white

women." Hence there is a growing demand among Afro-Americans that the

guilt or innocence of parties accused of rape be fully established. They

know the men of the section of the country who refuse this are not so

desirous of punishing rapists as they pretend. The utterances of the

leading white men show that with them it is not the crime but the _class_.

Bishop Fitzgerald has become apologist for lynchers of the rapists of

_white_ women only. Governor Tillman, of South Carolina, in the month of

June, standing under the tree in Barnwell, S.C., on which eight

Afro-Americans were hung last year, declared that he would lead a mob to

lynch a _negro_ who raped a _white_ woman. So say the pulpits, officials

and newspapers of the South. But when the victim is a colored woman it is

different.



Last winter in Baltimore, Md., three white ruffians assaulted a Miss

Camphor, a young Afro-American girl, while out walking with a young man of

her own race. They held her escort and outraged the girl. It was a deed

dastardly enough to arouse Southern blood, which gives its horror of rape

as excuse for lawlessness, but she was an Afro-American. The case went to

the courts, an Afro-American lawyer defended the men and they were

acquitted.



In Nashville, Tenn., there is a white man, Pat Hanifan, who outraged a

little Afro-American girl, and, from the physical injuries received, she

has been ruined for life. He was jailed for six months, discharged, and is

now a detective in that city. In the same city, last May, a white man

outraged an Afro-American girl in a drug store. He was arrested, and

released on bail at the trial. It was rumored that five hundred

Afro-Americans had organized to lynch him. Two hundred and fifty white

citizens armed themselves with Winchesters and guarded him. A cannon was

placed in front of his home, and the Buchanan Rifles (State Militia)

ordered to the scene for his protection. The Afro-American mob did not

materialize. Only two weeks before Eph. Grizzard, who had only been

_charged_ with rape upon a white woman, had been taken from the jail, with

Governor Buchanan and the police and militia standing by, dragged through

the streets in broad daylight, knives plunged into him at every step, and

with every fiendish cruelty a frenzied mob could devise, he was at last

swung out on the bridge with hands cut to pieces as he tried to climb up

the stanchions. A naked, bloody example of the blood-thirstiness of the

nineteenth-century civilization of the Athens of the South! No cannon or

military was called out in his defense. He dared to visit a white woman.



At the very moment these civilized whites were announcing their

determination "to protect their wives and daughters," by murdering

Grizzard, a white man was in the same jail for raping eight-year-old

Maggie Reese, an Afro-American girl. He was not harmed. The "honor" of

grown women who were glad enough to be supported by the Grizzard boys and

Ed Coy, as long as the liaison was not known, needed protection; they were

white. The outrage upon helpless childhood needed no avenging in this

case; she was black.



A white man in Guthrie, Oklahoma Territory, two months ago inflicted such

injuries upon another Afro-American child that she died. He was not

punished, but an attempt was made in the same town in the month of June to

lynch an Afro-American who visited a white woman.



In Memphis, Tenn., in the month of June, Ellerton L. Dorr, who is the

husband of Russell Hancock's widow, was arrested for attempted rape on

Mattie Cole, a neighbors cook; he was only prevented from accomplishing

his purpose, by the appearance of Mattie's employer. Dorr's friends say he

was drunk and not responsible for his actions. The grand jury refused to

indict him and he was discharged.









3 _The_ NEW CRY





The appeal of Southern whites to Northern sympathy and sanction, the

adroit, insiduous plea made by Bishop Fitzgerald for suspension of

judgment because those "who condemn lynching express no sympathy for the

_white_ woman in the case," falls to the ground in the light of the

foregoing.



From this exposition of the race issue in lynch law, the whole matter is

explained by the well-known opposition growing out of slavery to the

progress of the race. This is crystalized in the oft-repeated slogan:

"This is a white man's country and the white man must rule." The South

resented giving the Afro-American his freedom, the ballot box and the

Civil Rights Law. The raids of the Ku-Klux and White Liners to subvert

reconstruction government, the Hamburg and Ellerton, S.C., the Copiah

County, Miss., and the Layfayette Parish, La., massacres were excused as

the natural resentment of intelligence against government by ignorance.



Honest white men practically conceded the necessity of intelligence

murdering ignorance to correct the mistake of the general government, and

the race was left to the tender mercies of the solid South. Thoughtful

Afro-Americans with the strong arm of the government withdrawn and with

the hope to stop such wholesale massacres urged the race to sacrifice its

political rights for sake of peace. They honestly believed the race should

fit itself for government, and when that should be done, the objection to

race participation in politics would be removed.



But the sacrifice did not remove the trouble, nor move the South to

justice. One by one the Southern States have legally(?) disfranchised the

Afro-American, and since the repeal of the Civil Rights Bill nearly every

Southern State has passed separate car laws with a penalty against their

infringement. The race regardless of advancement is penned into filthy,

stifling partitions cut off from smoking cars. All this while, although

the political cause has been removed, the butcheries of black men at

Barnwell, S.C., Carrolton, Miss., Waycross, Ga., and Memphis, Tenn., have

gone on; also the flaying alive of a man in Kentucky, the burning of one

in Arkansas, the hanging of a fifteen-year-old girl in Louisiana, a woman

in Jackson, Tenn., and one in Hollendale, Miss., until the dark and bloody

record of the South shows 728 Afro-Americans lynched during the past eight

years. Not fifty of these were for political causes; the rest were for all

manner of accusations from that of rape of white women, to the case of the

boy Will Lewis who was hanged at Tullahoma, Tenn., last year for being

drunk and "sassy" to white folks.



These statistics compiled by the _Chicago Tribune_ were given the first of

this year (1892). Since then, not less than one hundred and fifty have

been known to have met violent death at the hands of cruel bloodthirsty

mobs during the past nine months.



To palliate this record (which grows worse as the Afro-American becomes

intelligent) and excuse some of the most heinous crimes that ever stained

the history of a country, the South is shielding itself behind the

plausible screen of defending the honor of its women. This, too, in the

face of the fact that only _one-third_ of the 728 victims to mobs have

been _charged_ with rape, to say nothing of those of that one-third who

were innocent of the charge. A white correspondent of the _Baltimore Sun_

declares that the Afro-American who was lynched in Chestertown, Md., in

May for assault on a white girl was innocent; that the deed was done by a

white man who had since disappeared. The girl herself maintained that her

assailant was a white man. When that poor Afro-American was murdered, the

whites excused their refusal of a trial on the ground that they wished to

spare the white girl the mortification of having to testify in court.



This cry has had its effect. It has closed the heart, stifled the

conscience, warped the judgment and hushed the voice of press and pulpit

on the subject of lynch law throughout this "land of liberty." Men who

stand high in the esteem of the public for Christian character, for moral

and physical courage, for devotion to the principles of equal and exact

justice to all, and for great sagacity, stand as cowards who fear to open

their mouths before this great outrage. They do not see that by their

tacit encouragement, their silent acquiescence, the black shadow of

lawlessness in the form of lynch law is spreading its wings over the whole

country.



Men who, like Governor Tillman, start the ball of lynch law rolling for a

certain crime, are powerless to stop it when drunken or criminal white

toughs feel like hanging an Afro-American on any pretext.



Even to the better class of Afro-Americans the crime of rape is so

revolting they have too often taken the white man's word and given lynch

law neither the investigation nor condemnation it deserved.



They forget that a concession of the right to lynch a man for a certain

crime, not only concedes the right to lynch any person for any crime, but

(so frequently is the cry of rape now raised) it is in a fair way to stamp

us a race of rapists and desperadoes. They have gone on hoping and

believing that general education and financial strength would solve the

difficulty, and are devoting their energies to the accumulation of both.



The mob spirit has grown with the increasing intelligence of the

Afro-American. It has left the out-of-the-way places where ignorance

prevails, has thrown off the mask and with this new cry stalks in broad

daylight in large cities, the centers of civilization, and is encouraged

by the "leading citizens" and the press.









4 _The_ MALICIOUS _and_ UNTRUTHFUL WHITE PRESS





The _Daily Commercial_ and _Evening Scimitar_ of Memphis, Tenn., are owned

by leading business men of that city, and yet, in spite of the fact that

there had been no white woman in Memphis outraged by an Afro-American, and

that Memphis possessed a thrifty law-abiding, property-owning class of

Afro-Americans the _Commercial_ of May 17, under the head of "More Rapes,

More Lynchings" gave utterance to the following:



  The lynching of three Negro scoundrels reported in our dispatches from

  Anniston, Ala., for a brutal outrage committed upon a white woman will

  be a text for much comment on "Southern barbarism" by Northern

  newspapers; but we fancy it will hardly prove effective for campaign

  purposes among intelligent people. The frequency of these lynchings

  calls attention to the frequency of the crimes which causes lynching.

  The "Southern barbarism" which deserves the serious attention of all

  people North and South, is the barbarism which preys upon weak and

  defenseless women. Nothing but the most prompt, speedy and extreme

  punishment can hold in check the horrible and beastial propensities of

  the Negro race. There is a strange similarity about a number of cases of

  this character which have lately occurred.



  In each case the crime was deliberately planned and perpetrated by

  several Negroes. They watched for an opportunity when the women were

  left without a protector. It was not a sudden yielding to a fit of

  passion, but the consummation of a devilish purpose which has been

  seeking and waiting for the opportunity. This feature of the crime not

  only makes it the most fiendishly brutal, but it adds to the terror of

  the situation in the thinly settled country communities. No man can

  leave his family at night without the dread that some roving Negro

  ruffian is watching and waiting for this opportunity. The swift

  punishment which invariably follows these horrible crimes doubtless acts

  as a deterring effect upon the Negroes in that immediate neighborhood

  for a short time. But the lesson is not widely learned nor long

  remembered. Then such crimes, equally atrocious, have happened in quick

  succession, one in Tennessee, one in Arkansas, and one in Alabama. The

  facts of the crime appear to appeal more to the Negro's lustful

  imagination than the facts of the punishment do to his fears. He sets

  aside all fear of death in any form when opportunity is found for the

  gratification of his bestial desires.



  There is small reason to hope for any change for the better. The

  commission of this crime grows more frequent every year. The generation

  of Negroes which have grown up since the war have lost in large measure

  the traditional and wholesome awe of the white race which kept the

  Negroes in subjection, even when their masters were in the army, and

  their families left unprotected except by the slaves themselves. There

  is no longer a restraint upon the brute passion of the Negro.



  What is to be done? The crime of rape is always horrible, but the

  Southern man there is nothing which so fills the soul with horror,

  loathing and fury as the outraging of a white woman by a Negro. It is

  the race question in the ugliest, vilest, most dangerous aspect. The

  Negro as a political factor can be controlled. But neither laws nor

  lynchings can subdue his lusts. Sooner or later it will force a crisis.

  We do not know in what form it will come.



In its issue of June 4, the _Memphis Evening Scimitar_ gives the following

excuse for lynch law:



  Aside from the violation of white women by Negroes, which is the

  outcropping of a bestial perversion of instinct, the chief cause of

  trouble between the races in the South is the Negro's lack of manners.

  In the state of slavery he learned politeness from association with

  white people, who took pains to teach him. Since the emancipation came

  and the tie of mutual interest and regard between master and servant was

  broken, the Negro has drifted away into a state which is neither freedom

  nor bondage. Lacking the proper inspiration of the one and the

  restraining force of the other he has taken up the idea that boorish

  insolence is independence, and the exercise of a decent degree of

  breeding toward white people is identical with servile submission. In

  consequence of the prevalence of this notion there are many Negroes who

  use every opportunity to make themselves offensive, particularly when

  they think it can be done with impunity.



  We have had too many instances right here in Memphis to doubt this, and

  our experience is not exceptional. _The white people won't stand this

  sort of thing, and whether they be insulted as individuals are as a

  race, the response will be prompt and effectual._ The bloody riot of

  1866, in which so many Negroes perished, was brought on principally by

  the outrageous conduct of the blacks toward the whites on the streets.

  It is also a remarkable and discouraging fact that the majority of such

  scoundrels are Negroes who have received educational advantages at the

  hands of the white taxpayers. They have got just enough of learning to

  make them realize how hopelessly their race is behind the other in

  everything that makes a great people, and they attempt to "get even" by

  insolence, which is ever the resentment of inferiors. There are

  well-bred Negroes among us, and it is truly unfortunate that they should

  have to pay, even in part, the penalty of the offenses committed by the

  baser sort, but this is the way of the world. The innocent must suffer

  for the guilty. If the Negroes as a people possessed a hundredth part of

  the self-respect which is evidenced by the courteous bearing of some

  that the _Scimitar_ could name, the friction between the races would be

  reduced to a minimum. It will not do to beg the question by pleading

  that many white men are also stirring up strife. The Caucasian

  blackguard simply obeys the promptings of a depraved disposition, and he

  is seldom deliberately rough or offensive toward strangers or

  unprotected women.



  The Negro tough, on the contrary, is given to just that kind of

  offending, and he almost invariably singles out white people as his

  victims.



On March 9, 1892, there were lynched in this same city three of the best

specimens of young since-the-war Afro-American manhood. They were

peaceful, law-abiding citizens and energetic business men.



They believed the problem was to be solved by eschewing politics and

putting money in the purse. They owned a flourishing grocery business in a

thickly populated suburb of Memphis, and a white man named Barrett had one

on the opposite corner. After a personal difficulty which Barrett sought

by going into the "People's Grocery" drawing a pistol and was thrashed by

Calvin McDowell, he (Barrett) threatened to "clean them out." These men

were a mile beyond the city limits and police protection; hearing that

Barrett's crowd was coming to attack them Saturday night, they mustered

forces, and prepared to defend themselves against the attack.



When Barrett came he led a _posse_ of officers, twelve in number, who

afterward claimed to be hunting a man for whom they had a warrant. That

twelve men in citizen's clothes should think it necessary to go in the

night to hunt one man who had never before been arrested, or made any

record as a criminal has never been explained. When they entered the back

door the young men thought the threatened attack was on, and fired into

them. Three of the officers were wounded, and when the _defending_ party

found it was officers of the law upon whom they had fired, they ceased and

got away.



Thirty-one men were arrested and thrown in jail as "conspirators,"

although they all declared more than once they did not know they were

firing on officers. Excitement was at fever beat until the morning papers,

two days after, announced that the wounded deputy sheriffs were out of

danger. This hindered rather than helped the plans of the whites. There

was no law on the statute books which would execute an Afro-American for

wounding a white man, but the "unwritten law" did. Three of these men, the

president, the manager and clerk of the grocery--"the leaders of the

conspiracy"--were secretly taken from jail and lynched in a shockingly

brutal manner. "The Negroes are getting too independent," they say, "we

must teach them a lesson."



What lesson? The lesson of subordination. "Kill the leaders and it will

cow the Negro who dares to shoot a white man, even in self-defense."



Although the race was wild over the outrage, the mockery of law and

justice which disarmed men and locked them up in jails where they could be

easily and safely reached by the mob--- the Afro-American ministers,

newspapers and leaders counselled obedience to the law which did not

protect them.



Their counsel was heeded and not a hand was uplifted to resent the

outrage; following the advice of the _Free Speech_, people left the city

in great numbers.



The dailies and associated press reports heralded these men to the country

as "toughs," and "Negro desperadoes who kept a low dive." This same press

service printed that the Negro who was lynched at Indianola, Miss., in

May, had outraged the sheriff's eight-year-old daughter. The girl was more

than eighteen years old, and was found by her father in this man's room,

who was a servant on the place.



Not content with misrepresenting the race, the mob-spirit was not to be

satisfied until the paper which was doing all it could to counteract this

impression was silenced. The colored people were resenting their bad

treatment in a way to make itself felt, yet gave the mob no excuse for

further murder, until the appearance of the editorial which is construed

as a reflection on the "honor" of the Southern white women. It is not half

so libelous as that of the _Commercial_ which appeared four days before,

and which has been given in these pages. They would have lynched the

manager of the _Free Speech_ for exercising the right of free speech if

they had found him as quickly as they would have hung a rapist, and glad

of the excuse to do so. The owners were ordered not to return, the _Free

Speech_ was suspended with as little compunction as the business of the

"People's Grocery" broken up and the proprietors murdered.









5 _The_ SOUTH'S POSITION





Henry W. Grady in his well-remembered speeches in New England and New York

pictured the Afro-American as incapable of self-government. Through him

and other leading men the cry of the South to the country has been "Hands

off! Leave us to solve our problem." To the Afro-American the South says,

"the white man must and will rule." There is little difference between the

Antebellum South and the New South.



Her white citizens are wedded to any method however revolting, any measure

however extreme, for the subjugation of the young manhood of the race.

They have cheated him out of his ballot, deprived him of civil rights or

redress therefor in the civil courts, robbed him of the fruits of his

labor, and are still murdering, burning and lynching him.



The result is a growing disregard of human life. Lynch law has spread its

insiduous influence till men in New York State, Pennsylvania and on the

free Western plains feel they can take the law in their own hands with

impunity, especially where an Afro-American is concerned. The South is

brutalized to a degree not realized by its own inhabitants, and the very

foundation of government, law and order, are imperilled.



Public sentiment has had a slight "reaction" though not sufficient to stop

the crusade of lawlessness and lynching. The spirit of christianity of the

great M.E. Church was aroused to the frequent and revolting crimes against

a weak people, enough to pass strong condemnatory resolutions at its

General Conference in Omaha last May. The spirit of justice of the grand

old party asserted itself sufficiently to secure a denunciation of the

wrongs, and a feeble declaration of the belief in human rights in the

Republican platform at Minneapolis, June 7. Some of the great dailies and

weeklies have swung into line declaring that lynch law must go. The

President of the United States issued a proclamation that it be not

tolerated in the territories over which he has jurisdiction. Governor

Northern and Chief Justice Bleckley of Georgia have proclaimed against it.

The citizens of Chattanooga, Tenn., have set a worthy example in that they

not only condemn lynch law, but her public men demanded a trial for Weems,

the accused rapist, and guarded him while the trial was in progress. The

trial only lasted ten minutes, and Weems chose to plead guilty and accept

twenty-one years sentence, than invite the certain death which awaited him

outside that cordon of police if he had told the truth and shown the

letters he had from the white woman in the case.



Col. A.S. Colyar, of Nashville, Tenn., is so overcome with the horrible

state of affairs that he addressed the following earnest letter to the

_Nashville American_.



  Nothing since I have been a reading man has so impressed me with the

  decay of manhood among the people of Tennessee as the dastardly

  submission to the mob reign. We have reached the unprecedented low

  level; the awful criminal depravity of substituting the mob for the

  court and jury, of giving up the jail keys to the mob whenever they are

  demanded. We do it in the largest cities and in the country towns; we do

  it in midday; we do it after full, not to say formal, notice, and so

  thoroughly and generally is it acquiesced in that the murderers have

  discarded the formula of masks. They go into the town where everybody

  knows them, sometimes under the gaze of the governor, in the presence of

  the courts, in the presence of the sheriff and his deputies, in the

  presence of the entire police force, take out the prisoner, take his

  life, often with fiendish glee, and often with acts of cruelty and

  barbarism which impress the reader with a degeneracy rapidly approaching

  savage life. That the State is disgraced but faintly expresses the

  humiliation which has settled upon the once proud people of Tennessee.

  The State, in its majesty, through its organized life, for which the

  people pay liberally, makes but one record, but one note, and that a

  criminal falsehood, "was hung by persons to the jury unknown." The

  murder at Shelbyville is only a verification of what every intelligent

  man knew would come, because with a mob a rumor is as good as a proof.



These efforts brought forth apologies and a short halt, but the lynching

mania was raged again through the past three months with unabated fury.



The strong arm of the law must be brought to bear upon lynchers in severe

punishment, but this cannot and will not be done unless a healthy public

sentiment demands and sustains such action.



The men and women in the South who disapprove of lynching and remain

silent on the perpetration of such outrages, are particeps criminis,

accomplices, accessories before and after the fact, equally guilty with

the actual lawbreakers who would not persist if they did not know that

neither the law nor militia would be employed against them.









6 SELF-HELP





In the creation of this healthier public sentiment, the Afro-American can

do for himself what no one else can do for him. The world looks on with

wonder that we have conceded so much and remain law-abiding under such

great outrage and provocation.



To Northern capital and Afro-American labor the South owes its

rehabilitation. If labor is withdrawn capital will not remain. The

Afro-American is thus the backbone of the South. A thorough knowledge and

judicious exercise of this power in lynching localities could many times

effect a bloodless revolution. The white man's dollar is his god, and to

stop this will be to stop outrages in many localities.



The Afro-Americans of Memphis denounced the lynching of three of their

best citizens, and urged and waited for the authorities to act in the

matter and bring the lynchers to justice. No attempt was made to do so,

and the black men left the city by thousands, bringing about great

stagnation in every branch of business. Those who remained so injured the

business of the street car company by staying off the cars, that the

superintendent, manager and treasurer called personally on the editor of

the _Free Speech_, asked them to urge our people to give them their

patronage again. Other business men became alarmed over the situation and

the _Free Speech_ was run away that the colored people might be more

easily controlled. A meeting of white citizens in June, three months after

the lynching, passed resolutions for the first time, condemning it. _But

they did not punish the lynchers._ Every one of them was known by name,

because they had been selected to do the dirty work, by some of the very

citizens who passed these resolutions. Memphis is fast losing her black

population, who proclaim as they go that there is no protection for the

life and property of any Afro-American citizen in Memphis who is not a

slave.



The Afro-American citizens of Kentucky, whose intellectual and financial

improvement has been phenomenal, have never had a separate car law until

now. Delegations and petitions poured into the Legislature against it, yet

the bill passed and the Jim Crow Car of Kentucky is a legalized

institution. Will the great mass of Negroes continue to patronize the

railroad? A special from Covington, Ky., says:



Covington, June 13.--The railroads of the State are beginning to feel very

markedly, the effects of the separate coach bill recently passed by the

Legislature. No class of people in the State have so many and so largely

attended excursions as the blacks. All these have been abandoned, and

regular travel is reduced to a minimum. A competent authority says the

loss to the various roads will reach $1,000,000 this year.



A call to a State Conference in Lexington, Ky., last June had delegates

from every county in the State. Those delegates, the ministers, teachers,

heads of secret and others orders, and the head of every family should

pass the word around for every member of the race in Kentucky to stay oil

railroads unless obliged to ride. If they did so, and their advice was

followed persistently the convention would not need to petition the

Legislature to repeal the law or raise money to file a suit. The railroad

corporations would be so effected they would in self-defense lobby to have

the separate car law repealed. On the other hand, as long as the railroads

can get Afro-American excursions they will always have plenty of money to

fight all the suits brought against them. They will be aided in so doing

by the same partisan public sentiment which passed the law. White men

passed the law, and white judges and juries would pass upon the suits

against the law, and render judgment in line with their prejudices and in

deference to the greater financial power.



The appeal to the white man's pocket has ever been more effectual than all

the appeals ever made to his conscience. Nothing, absolutely nothing, is

to be gained by a further sacrifice of manhood and self-respect. By the

right exercise of his power as the industrial factor of the South, the

Afro-American can demand and secure his rights, the punishment of

lynchers, and a fair trial for accused rapists.



Of the many inhuman outrages of this present year, the only case where the

proposed lynching did _not_ occur, was where the men armed themselves in

Jacksonville, Fla., and Paducah, Ky, and prevented it. The only times an

Afro-American who was assaulted got away has been when he had a gun and

used it in self-defense.



The lesson this teaches and which every Afro-American should ponder well,

is that a Winchester rifle should have a place of honor in every black

home, and it should be used for that protection which the law refuses to

give. When the white man who is always the aggressor knows he runs as

great risk of biting the dust every time his Afro-American victim does, he

will have greater respect for Afro-American life. The more the

Afro-American yields and cringes and begs, the more he has to do so, the

more he is insulted, outraged and lynched.



The assertion has been substantiated throughout these pages that the press

contains unreliable and doctored reports of lynchings, and one of the most

necessary things for the race to do is to get these facts before the

public. The people must know before they can act, and there is no educator

to compare with the press.



The Afro-American papers are the only ones which will print the truth, and

they lack means to employ agents and detectives to get at the facts. The

race must rally a mighty host to the support of their journals, and thus

enable them to do much in the way of investigation.



A lynching occurred at Port Jarvis, N.Y., the first week in June. A white

and colored man were implicated in the assault upon a white girl. It was

charged that the white man paid the colored boy to make the assault, which

he did on the public highway in broad day time, and was lynched. This, too

was done by "parties unknown." The white man in the case still lives. He

was imprisoned and promises to fight the case on trial. At the preliminary

examination, it developed that he had been a suitor of the girl's. She had

repulsed and refused him, yet had given him money, and he had sent

threatening letters demanding more.



The day before this examination she was so wrought up, she left home and

wandered miles away. When found she said she did so because she was afraid

of the man's testimony. Why should she be afraid of the prisoner! Why

should she yield to his demands for money if not to prevent him exposing

something he knew! It seems explainable only on the hypothesis that a

_liaison_ existed between the colored boy and the girl, and the white man

knew of it. The press is singularly silent. Has it a motive? We owe it to

ourselves to find out.



The story comes from Larned, Kansas, Oct. 1, that a young white lady held

at bay until daylight, without alarming any one in the house, "a burly

Negro" who entered her room and bed. The "burly Negro" was promptly

lynched without investigation or examination of inconsistant stories.



A house was found burned down near Montgomery, Ala., in Monroe County,

Oct. 13, a few weeks ago; also the burned bodies of the owners and melted

piles of gold and silver.



These discoveries led to the conclusion that the awful crime was not

prompted by motives of robbery. The suggestion of the whites was that

"brutal lust was the incentive, and as there are nearly 200 Negroes living

within a radius of five miles of the place the conclusion was inevitable

that some of them were the perpetrators."



Upon this "suggestion" probably made by the real criminal, the mob acted

upon the "conclusion" and arrested ten Afro-Americans, four of whom, they

tell the world, confessed to the deed of murdering Richard L. Johnson and

outraging his daughter, Jeanette. These four men, Berrell Jones, Moses

Johnson, Jim and John Packer, none of them twenty-five years of age, upon

this conclusion, were taken from jail, hanged, shot, and burned while yet

alive the night of Oct. 12. The same report says Mr. Johnson was on the

best of terms with his Negro tenants.



The race thus outraged must find out the facts of this awful hurling of

men into eternity on supposition, and give them to the indifferent and

apathetic country. We feel this to be a garbled report, but how can we

prove it?



Near Vicksburg, Miss., a murder was committed by a gang of burglars. Of

course it must have been done by Negroes, and Negroes were arrested for

it. It is believed that two men, Smith Tooley and John Adams belonged to a

gang controlled by white men and, fearing exposure, on the night of July

4, they were hanged in the Court House yard by those interested in

silencing them. Robberies since committed in the same vicinity have been

known to be by white men who had their faces blackened. We strongly

believe in the innocence of these murdered men, but we have no proof. No

other news goes out to the world save that which stamps us as a race of

cutthroats, robbers and lustful wild beasts. So great is Southern hate and

prejudice, they legally(?) hung poor little thirteen-year-old Mildrey

Brown at Columbia, S.C., Oct. 7, on the circumstantial evidence that she

poisoned a white infant. If her guilt had been proven unmistakably, had

she been white, Mildrey Brown would never have been hung.



The country would have been aroused and South Carolina disgraced forever

for such a crime. The Afro-American himself did not know as he should have

known as his journals should be in a position to have him know and act.



Nothing is more definitely settled than he must act for himself. I have

shown how he may employ the boycott, emigration and the press, and I feel

that by a combination of all these agencies can be effectually stamped out

lynch law, that last relic of barbarism and slavery. "The gods help those

who help themselves."











End of Project Gutenberg's Southern Horrors, by Ida B. Wells-Barnett